Freedom High Woodbridge

by James C. Sherlock

Peter Drucker’s famous five questions should always be asked by and of government.

What is the mission? Who is the customer? What does the customer consider valuable? What are the results sought and how are they to be measured? What is the plan, to include both abandonment and innovation?

So, in reviewing the 119-page JLARC report Pandemic Impact on Public K–12 Education 2022, we must inquire first what JLARC was asked to do by the General Assembly.

Then examine what they did with that charter.

Both were well intentioned but incomplete.

The study resolution is found on page 83.

Impact of COVID-19 on Virginia’s public schools, students, and school employees
SJ308 of the 2021 General Assembly

It detailed the shortfalls in resources that had been exposed by COVID. It presciently dreaded the results when students came back to school in 2021-22. It also anticipated the negative consequences for teacher satisfaction and retention.

Then:

In conducting its study, the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission shall:

  1. Examine and determine reasons for barriers to student success in virtual and hybrid models as well as the overall impact of COVID-19 face-to-face learning restrictions on previously existing student achievement gaps, student achievement, and student well-being, including any disproportionate impact on at-risk populations;
  2. Determine the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on staffing levels, including the impact of teacher and school employee retirements and resignations on delivery of instruction and the ability of local school boards to fully staff their needs, employment levels, and local budgets;
  3. Determine the short-term and projected long-term changes in student enrollment in response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the impact of such changes on funding levels;
  4. Determine the impact of implementing COVID-19 health and safety measures in public schools;
  5. Evaluate public schools’ level of emergency preparedness to face another pandemic or statewide crisis and make recommendations to help guide planning for such events; and
  6. Examine programs that can address learning loss and identify barriers to implementing those programs, including resource gaps.

Some of those questions could be interpreted as cracking open the door to asking Drucker’s 5 questions of public education in Virginia. To enquire whether laws, policies, education school curricula, public school programs or public school curricula could be part of the problems that COVID exposed.

But those questions were not specifically posed. And those cracks were not exploited. Indeed the title of the study suggested to look only at the effects of COVID, not examine the broader system of public education.

The General Assembly focus was clearly on identifying resource shortages in the implementation of current ways of running the public schools. They were looking for budget amendment targets.

So that is what they got.

JLARC findings and recommendations. No law or policy or management issues were targeted for action.

Recommendations were centered on providing more resources:

  • more counselors;
  • more psychologists;
  • more agreements with community health providers;
  • a temporary math improvement program executed by tutors;
  • more instructional assistants;
  • teacher retention bonuses;
  • teacher tuition assistance; and
  • inclusion of virtual education as part of professional development.

Policy Options suggested for consideration were:

  • more training and tech assistance for VTSS/PBIS (rather than an assessment of whether it was too complicated and burdensome for the value demonstrated);
  • two different options for identifying and paying for partnerships with mental health providers;
  • teacher signing bonuses;
  • teacher licensure.

Schools of Education.

One finding I find some mix of amusing, disgraceful and inevitable:

According to the National Virtual Teacher Association, fewer than 5 percent of teacher training programs include a virtual learning component. Further, experienced teachers may never have received formal education or training on providing remote learning.

I find it entirely unsurprising that the schools of education ignored a massive 20-year boom in virtual education. It was something of which they were aware, but most did not support.

Remember the basis of the disagreement that led to the firing of Teresa Sullivan at UVa and then her rehiring?

The Board fired her based on her reluctance to engage the University in developing on-line education.

The faculty senate, which abhorred the concept as a threat to jobs, led the charge to bring her back.

Conduct of the assessment. I do have some issue with the way the JLARC report process was conducted, however.

Lobbyists.

First, inviting lobbyists into the study tent when the charter called for identifying more spending is at least a bad look. JLARC interviewed representatives — inevitably the lobbyists — from:

  • Virginia Education Association;
  • Virginia Association of School Superintendents;
  • Virginia Association of Secondary School Principals;
  • Virginia State Special Education Advisory Committee;
  • Virginia Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages;
  • Virginia School Counselor Association;
  • Virginia Academy of School Psychologists;
  • Virginia Association of School Social Workers;
  • Virginia Association of School Nurses;
  • Virginia Association of Colleges and Teacher Educators;
  • Virginia Parent Teacher Association;
  • Virginia Council of Private Education; and
  • National Virtual Teacher Association.

You may note that if asked Drucker’s question “Who is the customer?” of public education, many of these organizations would not make the cut.

I admire lobbyists. Always have. They know their subject matter cold. You just have to be able to assess what they are not bringing up while listening to what they do present.

They are absolutely necessary to a General Assembly composed of part-time legislators that meets for such a short time period as ours and is so under-resourced with professional staff.

But I suggest it is a bad look to include them in a process for recommending new resources when government professionals are available for consultation. Especially when the report recommends allocation of significant additional funding to many of the people the lobbyists’ organizations represent.

Parents vs. PTA members.

To quote the report:

JLARC staff conducted two focus groups with parents and guardians of students in Virginia’s K–12 schools. Each participant was a member of the Virginia Parent Teacher Association (Virginia PTA).

I find that very odd. You should as well. The PTA is present in less than half of Virginia’s schools. There is a reason for that.

Virginia PTA has a loyalty test.

Membership is open to anyone who believes in and supports the mission and purposes of National PTA.

And the National PTA, while most of us were not watching, has been captured by the left.

See: Reopening of Public PreK-12 Schools. They have the mental health effects exactly backwards. See also that organization’s position on gun control laws. Read the last paragraph in that resolution. A majority of Virginians would reject going that far.

JLARC not only chose to talk to PTA members exclusively, it was proud of it.

State Agencies.

Consultants to JLARC were listed extensively in Appendix B.

It should have included employees of the Department of Health, the Department of Health Professions and the Department of Behavioral Health and Developmental Services (DBHDS). DBHCS should have been recommended as the lead agency for any actions on mental health support to the schools.

Ninety-three out of 133 localities in Virginia are federally-designated Mental Health Professional Shortage Areas. Thirty-seven percent of Virginia’s population lives in these localities.

The report focuses on in-school mental health services, which may not be available in those localities. DBHCS could have advised on the use of telemedicine and group psychology, neither of which is brought up in the report.

Private Sector Experts.

The JLARC team from their listing of study assets apparently failed to include experts from Virginia’s nationally prominent Multi-Divisional Online Providers (MOPs) such as national leader Herndon-based Stride K-12.

When assessing virtual education, it would have been wise to talk with the best. No need to talk to them about resources, but certainly best practices.

Continuity of Operations Plans.

Finally, JLARC deplored COVID preparedness in the schools and recommended developing continuity of operations plans. It did not mention a program to exercise them regularly, even though it interviewed the Department of Emergency Management (VDEM) and teachers had recommended more “proactive preparation.”

The original sin of Virginia’s time-late and initially failed reactions to COVID was the failure to exercise that quite prescient operations plan. Which had actions for VDOE and the schools at every step.  JLARC researchers clearly were unaware of it.

Perhaps because VDEM removed the plan from public view when I pointed it out. VDEM and VDOE may wish to resurrect that excellent plan before drafting a new one.

Bottom line. Given the charter for the study, JLARC gave the General Assembly what it clearly wanted, just not all that it needed.

I return to what was not tasked.

One lesson of the COVID years is that Drucker’s five questions need to be asked about Virginia’s education training programs and our public schools system in general. About laws and regulations as well as policies, programs and their execution and maintenance.

Evidence indicates that the system, even before COVID, has been:

  • trying to do too much, as shown in the list of training requirements that I quoted yesterday;
  • trying to do some things that are not working; and
  • not doing some things well that might work if given space to succeed in work days that are too long, too crowded and perhaps too segmented.

Those add up to major considerations in both the low morale reported by teachers and low achievement by students.

I will recommend a new Policy Option 6 to those listed by in the draft report, using the language from JLARC Option 5.

To ensure that the public schools system and publicly-funded institutions of higher education are operating efficiently and effectively with the resources assigned, the General Assembly could include language in the Appropriation Act directing the Virginia Department of Education and the State Council of Higher Education for Virginia to review: 1. the laws and regulations governing Virginia public schools and the schools of education of Virginia’s publicly funded institutions of higher education (IHEs), 2. the curricula of the educator training programs of Virginia IHEs, 3. the research and policy recommendations of those IHE’s, and 4. the policies and programs of Virginia’s public school system including training, supervision, teaching and the maintenance of a supportive working environment that itself includes classroom discipline and safety; and propose updates, improvements, simplifications and abandonment as appropriate.

Peter Drucker’s five questions could form the basis for the review. Management consultants experienced in such reviews could be engaged to support the work.

A summary of proposed changes could be submitted to the Virginia Board of Education and House Education and Senate Education and Health committees by November 1, 2023.

 


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Comments

14 responses to “Public Education and the Management of Change”

  1. Good analysis. It should be standard practice when digesting studies like this one to see what the General Assembly directed JLARC to examine. The way one frames the study — look at A but not B — hugely impacts the outcome.

    1. James C. Sherlock Avatar
      James C. Sherlock

      Thanks, I’m still bummed by what happened to the PTA. It is now just another island in the progressive archipelago. Why JLARC would report it only interviewed parents from that organization mystifies me.

      1. See also that organization’s position on gun control laws. Read the last paragraph in that resolution. A majority of Virginians would reject going that far.

        I support prohibiting gun possession by those convicted of felony spousal abuse and child abuse. I can even support such a prohibition on those convicted of misdemeanor abuse as long as there is a time limit on the prohibition.

        However, the remainder of their “gun agenda” is just the standard anti-gun BS that would make things a lot harder for law-abiding citizens while having no effect on criminals.

      2. See also that organization’s position on gun control laws. Read the last paragraph in that resolution. A majority of Virginians would reject going that far.

        I support prohibiting gun possession by those convicted of felony spousal abuse and child abuse. I can even support such a prohibition on those convicted of misdemeanor abuse as long as there is a time limit on the prohibition.

        However, the remainder of their “gun agenda” is just the standard anti-gun BS that would make things a lot harder for law-abiding citizens while having no effect on criminals.

      3. S. Koontz Avatar

        Seems like you don’t support ordinary parents having a voice. The ‘loyalty test’ you mentioned seems pretty standard for any group – that you support their mission. In PTA’s case it’s family engagement.. “engaging and empowering families and communities to advocate for all children.” Presumably that also means you support non-partisan discussion and family events in your local school. Nothing about membership says you must agree with every single position of the National association. Members could have voted against the National PTA gun control resolution, but still support the overall mission and local work. Considering the number of mass shootings in schools that involve teens, it would be more shocking if PTA didn’t have a strong position on trying to address gun violence. Props to JLARC for involving ordinary parents instead of lobbyists and 501c4 groups.

  2. Nancy Naive Avatar
    Nancy Naive

    A funny thing just happened. I received TWO identical mailings from the Alzheimer’s Association. Hmmmm.

    1. Maybe they forgot they sent the first one…

      1. Nancy Naive Avatar
        Nancy Naive

        If anyone would…

  3. killerhertz Avatar
    killerhertz

    So they need more money for success. Shocker

    Have you seen anyone comparing outcomes from schools that were open versus the rest?

    Our kids were in private (lower tuition Montesssori compared to public school cost per capita in Fauquier county) and open through pandemic after Spring lockdown.

    1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
      Dick Hall-Sizemore

      The JLARC study did such a comparison with public schools. Here is the conclusion:

      “However, these divisions that relied longer on remote instruction also generally re-
      bounded by more in 2021–22. As of spring 2022, there was a 1 or 2 percentage point
      difference in SOL scores between divisions that relied on remote instruction longer
      and divisions that returned to in-person instruction sooner”

      The study did not include private schools, primarily that was not what the GA asked for and also because data on private school outcomes is not readily available.

  4. Nancy Naive Avatar
    Nancy Naive

    FWIW, it’s back on in Chesapeake.

  5. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
    Dick Hall-Sizemore

    It comes as no surprise that JLARC did not go beyond the GA’s directive for this study. What you are asking for is a comprehensive study of public education in Virginia. That would be massive and certainly take more than the five months you allotted in the language of your recommendation. I find it curious that you complain about JLARC relying on lobbyists, yet you direct DOE and SCHEV, who are directly involved in the whole arena, to conduct this study, basically to examine what their clients are doing. DOE and SCHEV are not disinterested entities.

  6. Matt Hurt Avatar

    Those five questions are critical, and as a state, I do not think that we have attained consensus on those answers. Until we do, we’re just shooting in the dark. Unless we nail down precisely what we’re trying to accomplish, what our measures of success are, what are our criteria for success based on those measures, and ensure that all of these things can be broadly supported, we’re not going to be able to move ahead in a sustainable manner. Unless we do those things, we’ll be doomed to bounce back and forth between this and that as dictated by the shifting political winds. Each administration (which will likely shift political leanings every 4-8 years) will undo what the previous administration did and keep us in a state of flux which will keep our students from being as successful as they could be.

  7. Deckplates Avatar

    Peter Drucker, also noted for developing Management by Objectives (MBO), as a methodology for P&L’s to focus resources’ on specific outcomes. Using MBO as a strategy could enable those P&L’s to not waste those resources and manpower on efforts & projects which will not produce a profit.

    The government does not produce a profit, it spends money which is “allocated” to each branch. Projects created by the government are supposed to produce an outcome, and many do. However, at the end of the day the government does not make profits which investors reap.

    Lobbyists have a vested interest in making profits for the P&Ls who employ them. After all is said and done, Lobbyist may provide viable products and even ideas to the government managers. Nevertheless, Lobbyist will not stay in existence without profits, or doing their job for their employer. In many cases the Lobbyist actually drive goals for the government to pursue.

    MBO’s work for Profit & Loss organizations, but do not work well in the government. (not to be confused with standards or specific accomplishments) Much of what Drucker had derived as a consultant has been tried, but not used successfully by U.S. governments. As governments, by their structure, spend money, they do not make money. Success is often measured by spending down the budget by the end of the spending cycle. Or even, rarely, measured by spending less on one project. Moreover, their goals are driven by elected representatives, handed down to government agencies, and influenced by Lobbyist.

    I believe that the JLARC COVID Impact recommendations should be reviewed again. Throwing more money or personal at the problem is not the best use of the limited budgets. Now, I do believe that the actual teachers – in the classroom – should have more compensation. However, that is just part of the solution. Also, I believe that the problem has been muddied with “druthers.”

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