Voting booths in Portsmouth. Photo credit: Virginian-Pilot

by Dick Hall-Sizemore

On behalf of three Virginia residents, the Virginia ACLU, along with a large D.C. law firm, has filed suit in federal court challenging the provision of Virginia’s constitution that disenfranchises anyone convicted of a felony, providing that their voting rights can be restored only by the governor.

Such a legal challenge is not necessarily new, but the basis for this one is novel and fascinating The plaintiffs claim that the provision of the Virginia constitution is illegal because it violates the provisions of the federal law that allowed for the Commonwealth’s readmission to the Union after the Civil War.  That law included this provision, similar to that included for laws applicable to other member states of the Confederacy:

That the State of Virginia is admitted to representation in Congress as one of the States of the Union upon the following fundamental conditions: First, that the Constitution of Virginia shall never be so amended or changed as to deprive any citizen or class of citizens of the United States of the right to vote who are entitled to vote by the Constitution herein recognized, except as a punishment for such crimes as are now felonies at common law, whereof they shall have been duly convicted under laws equally applicable to all the inhabitants of said State.  [Emphasis added.]

The filing explains that this condition was included in the Readmissions Acts because Congress “recogniz[ed] that former Confederate states were manipulating their criminal laws with the specific intent to disenfranchise Black citizens.” The plaintiffs contend that, in 1870, “’common law’ felonies were widely understood to be a distinct category of crime from ‘statutory’ felonies.”  Furthermore, “common law” felonies were “murder, manslaughter, arson, burglary, robbery, rape, sodomy, mayhem, and larceny.”

Two of the plaintiffs were convicted of possession and distribution of controlled substances.  In 1870, this was not a common law felony. As the filing points out, possession of controlled substances was not made a statutory crime until the early 1900s. The situation for the third plaintiff is a little ambiguous. The filing says only that he was convicted of “uttering.” In Virginia law, that could mean forgery (18.2-172) or passing bad checks (18.2-181). The filing is unclear about which specific offense the plaintiff was convicted. The Virginia Code declares the latter offense larceny, which was a common law felony in 1870. Forgery was not considered such an offense then.

Finally, the plaintiffs contend, “The Virginia Readmission Act remains good law.  It has never been repealed or otherwise dismantled. Virginia accordingly remains subject to all of its provisions.”

As a final note, the plaintiffs were not content with just challenging the legitimacy of the Virginia constitutional provision. They took a swipe at the Youngkin administration, to boot:

The dire impact of Virginia’s sweeping disenfranchisement provision has been exacerbated by Governor Glenn Youngkin’s recent actions. While Virginia’s prior three governors restored voting rights to disenfranchised citizens with felony convictions based on specific criteria, Governor Youngkin has ended his predecessors’ restoration programs and restructured an opaque and arbitrary rights restoration policy without any objective criteria or set timeframe for rendering restoration decisions.

The suit was filed on June 26; therefore, there has not been time for the Commonwealth to respond.

From a legal and historian’s perspective, this should be a fascinating case to follow. It was filed in the Richmond Division of the federal district court’s Eastern District of Virginia. That will make it convenient for some of us to sit in on the oral arguments.

Note: This story was first reported in The Washington Post.


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34 responses to “Old Law Coming Back to Bite Virginia?”

  1. VaPragamtist Avatar
    VaPragamtist

    I ask because the language is a bit too archaic for me to understand. . .what does the last sentence mean in relation to the rest of it?

    First, That the Constitution of Virginia shall never be so amended or changed as to deprive any citizen or class of citizens of the right to vote by the Constitution herein recognized, except as a punishment for such crimes as are now felonies at common law, whereof they shall have been duly convicted under laws equally applicable to all the inhabitants of said State: Provided, That any alteration of said Constitution, prospective in its effects, may be made in regard to the time and place of residence of voters.

    1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
      Dick Hall-Sizemore

      I think this is another condition and separate from the one dealing with disenfranchisement of felons. I think it means that Virginia could amend its constitution regarding how long people had to have resided in a place (jurisdiction) to be able to vote from the time of the amendment.

      1. VaPragamtist Avatar
        VaPragamtist

        I’m not sure about that. The subsequent lines read “Second, That it shall never be lawful for the said State to deprive any citizen of the United States, on account of his race, color, or previous condition of servitude, of the right to hold office under the constitution and laws of said State, or upon any such ground to require of him any other qualifications for office than such as are required of all other citizens. Third, That the constitution of Virginia shall never be so amended or changed as to deprive any citizen or class of citizens of the United States of the school rights and privileges secured by the constitution of said State.”

        The use of the word “second”, along with the colon after “State” would imply that the phrase speaks to the first condition. But reading it more closely, I think it may have to do with the phrase “inhabitants of said State”. I’d really need a lawyer to explain the legalese.

        On the legal issue itself, I agree that it will be an interesting case. Virginia saw 3 constitution revisions between 1870 and today; I wonder if they were held to this standard? (the 1902 constitution forbade the education of “white” and “colored” students in the same schools, in direct contradiction of the third condition, for example). And if none have been held to the standard of this law, is there a legal or historical reason that we and the plaintiffs are overlooking?

        From a practical perspective, the idea of crime and punishment has changed significantly since 1870. Back then “common law” felonies were limited to the most heinous crimes because the punishment was often death and/or forfeiture of property. We’ve since moved to a wider system of proportionality and with it, a more modern categorization of crime.

        Even setting that aside, the legal question is, “was it the legislature’s intent to only restrict voting for those who committed the “common law” felonies of murder, manslaughter, arson, burglary, robbery, rape, sodomy, mayhem, and larceny?” I can’t imagine so. . .that list isn’t complete. Treason isn’t included–a crime I’m sure was in the back of everyone’s mind at the time.

        1. “the 1902 constitution forbade the education of “white” and “colored” students in the same schools, in direct contradiction of the third condition, for example”

          Unfortunately . . . not according to Plessy v. Ferguson, a travesty of a decision in hindsight (and overruled by Brown v. Board) but “the law of the land” in 1902.

        2. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
          Dick Hall-Sizemore

          First, regarding the third standard and whether segregated schools violated it, Southern states did provide schools for Blacks. Furthermore, the U.S. Supreme Court, in the Plessy v. Ferguson decision, ruled that the “separate but equal” schools did not violate the Constitution, nor, presumably, this provision of the Readmission Acts.

          It is clear that Congress intended to limit the offenses which could lead to disenfranchisement to those that were considered felonies at common law at the time the Readmission Act was passed. The word “now” makes that clear. It was known that Southern states had been elevating minor offenses to felony status in order to get around the 14th Amendment. Thus, this provision was purposely put into the Readmission Act.

          Whether the list of offenses that constituted felonies at common law in 1870 that is set out in the plaintiffs’ filing is complete or accurate, I don’t know. The determination of the accuracy of that list will likely be part of the litigation process.

          However, as the plaintiffs point out, possession and distribution of controlled substances was not addressed in the law until several decades after the Readmission Act. Therefore, Congress could not intended to include those offenses. A large proportion of the felonies committed by those currently disenfranchised were substance abuse offenses.

          We certainly have moved to a “wider sense of proportionality”, but the word “now” would seem to prevent a wider categorization from being used. Courts are, or should be, limited to the actual wording of a law and the common understanding of the words. In addition, the current Supreme Court’s practice is to

          apply laws and Constitutional provisions according to the conditions present when they were enacted.

          1. VaPragamtist Avatar
            VaPragamtist

            Whether the list of offenses that constituted felonies at common law in 1870 that is set out in the plaintiffs’ filing is complete or accurate, I don’t know. The determination of the accuracy of that list will likely be part of the litigation process.

            However, as the plaintiffs point out, possession and distribution of controlled substances was not addressed in the law until several decades after the Readmission Act.

            So on the question of “are the 9 listed offenses the only crimes in which a person can lose their right to vote”, we don’t know. The plaintiffs say they are, but there’s at least one pretty big omission to that list.

            On the issue of limiting to what was considered a felony at the time, I agree that seems to be the intent. But to what extent can that apply to future crimes not conceivable to the legislature at the time/might that run contrary to the general welfare clause? I’d be interested to see if there’s any case law that deals with something similar: can a legislature limit penalties or the severity classification for a future crime for a future crime which they can’t comprehend?

            And just thinking and typing now, as I’m neither a lawyer nor a historian, but is the Readmission Act itself constitutional? Wasn’t the justification for the Civil War preservation of the Union–the United States didn’t recognize the legality of secession and, therefore, those states who supposedly seceded were rebelling against–but, from the legal perspective of the federal government, were still a part of–the United States? And logically, if they were always a part of the US, can they be compelled to agree to conditions for readmittance?

          2. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
            Dick Hall-Sizemore

            This is an area of U.S. history about which I know very little. I had thought of the question you raised and I thought it a good one.

            A little digging provided the answer. After the Civil War ended, the Radical Republicans were in no mood to treat the former Confederate states wayward brothers. Rather, they treated them as conquered territory. Over Andrew Johnson’s veto, they passed the Reconstruction Acts, which divided the South into five military districts, dictated how they would be governed, and set the terms for the Confederate states to be readmitted to the union, including the types of constitutions they had to enact. The constitutionality of the Reconstruction Acts was challenged in Ex Parte McCardle. Congress then passed legislation stripping the Supreme Court of any jurisdiction over the Reconstruction Acts. (The U.S. Constitution gives Congress the power to define the jurisdiction of the federal courts.) The suit then was dismissed for lack of jurisdiction. https://www.britannica.com/topic/Reconstruction-Acts

          3. DJRippert Avatar
            DJRippert

            And the so-called “carpetbaggers” sent by those crazy Radical Republicans pushed through the Virginia Constitution of 1870. A constitution that was very fair, especially for its time.

            Unfortunately for the majority of Virginians, the carpetbaggers left and Virginia’s home-grown Plantation Elite reclaimed control of the state government.

            The result was the disastrous and horrific 1902 state constitution. It would stand until 1971 when, once again, the federal government forced Virginia’s Plantation Elite to rewrite the state constitution.

            The moral of the story is that Virginia and Virginians have proven themselves incapable of instituting a moral or ethical state government for well over 100 years.

            Today, the rot still is in the Commonwealth. Unlimited campaign contributions, off-year elections, a weak one-term governor with no term limits for the legislature, judges appointed by practicing attorneys in the legislature, …
            the list goes on.

            Of course people who have served their entire sentence (including parole) should be automatically reenrolled as voters. They’ve paid their debt to society.

    2. What does the last sentence mean? It’s an interesting challenge to decipher and I think you have to consider the context, elections administration in the United States in mid 19th century (immediately pre-War).

      The starting point for analyzing this provision has to be the prohibition at the heart of it: “[T]he Constitution of Virginia shall never be so amended or changed as to deprive any citizen or class of citizens of the right to vote by the Constitution herein recognized” — but then it goes on to address two exceptions. First, there’s the provision addressing the franchise rights of those convicted of “felonies at common law.” Second, the proviso in the next sentence appears to deliberately carve out two areas in which a future Virginia constitution might address two common voter requirements of the day.

      We don’t commonly, today, think of the “time .. of residence,” i.e. how long have you lived in a certain jurisdiction, as a criterion for voting there, but the time (even years) you had lived in a community also might be a condition to vote there — especially when, as was commonly the case before the 1830s (and as late as 1856 in NC), property ownership was a franchise requirement. Election records are updated more easily now when you move but the registration process still takes some time to accomplish and there is a window of time even today in which you cannot vote after moving. I believe this proviso simply allows the readmitted State to change how its constitution deals with the length of this window.

      What if, instead of you moving, the boundaries of the political entity in which you reside and vote are re-drawn around you? Your “place of residescinatinsscinatinognce” is where you live. Of course voting precincts and voting districts and which candidates are on your local ballot can be changed even if your home does not move. I believe this provision simply allows a State to change how its constitution addresses the consequences of location for voters.

      Does this answer your question? Perhaps not, but it’s fascinating to consider what the court will do with this.

  2. LesGabriel Avatar
    LesGabriel

    Curious as to why many of the Jim Crow laws affecting voting were not challenged on this basis. Also, is there any estimate of how many felons would be affected (i.e. convicted of felonies that were not felonies under 1870 common law)?

    1. Nancy Naive Avatar
      Nancy Naive

      You’d have had to find someone to challenge them in the first place. When Jim Crow was in place, part of Jim Crow was only white lawyers could appeal. Well, successfully.

    2. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
      Dick Hall-Sizemore

      First, many of the Jim Crow voting laws could be challenged on 14th Amendment grounds or based on the Voting Rights Act.

      Virginia is one of four states whose constitution requires disenfranchisement for felons and leaves no recourse except through the governor. One of the others is Kentucky, which did not secede from the Union; therefore the Readmission Acts would not be applicable to it. Another is Tennessee and the provision could apply, it would seem. The last one is Iowa, which, of course, was not a member of the Confederacy. In Iowa and Kentucky, the governor can issue an executive order restoring voting rights. Technically, in Tennessee and Iowa, the constitutions disenfranchise those convicted of “infamous crimes”, but state courts have ruled that any felony is a an infamous crime. https://www.ncsl.org/elections-and-campaigns/felon-voting-rights

      The court filing estimates 312,540 Virginians disenfranchised due to a felony conviction. There is no estimate of how many of those were convicted of what would constitute a felony under 1870 common law.

      1. vicnicholls Avatar
        vicnicholls

        I’m not sure this would fly if appealed, should the first round lose.

        1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
          Dick Hall-Sizemore

          Why not?

      2. WayneS Avatar

        On June 24, 1866, Tennessee became the first and only confederate state to be readmitted to the Union prior to the Reconstruction Acts of 1867.

        I’m not certain, but I do not think they were required to accept the same conditions for readmission that Virginia and other states later had to agree to.

        1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
          Dick Hall-Sizemore

          I think you are right.

  3. LesGabriel Avatar
    LesGabriel

    Two more quick questions. Are there other national laws that prohibit States from putting specific provisions in their Constitutions? I know there are clauses in the Constitution that prohibit States from dealing with certain issues, but not sure about laws without specific Constitutional authority. The other question relates to Gov Youngkin’s changes to Northam’s Executive Order. I have not been able to find Northam’s order and exactly what it was that Youngkin changed by rescinding it. I am under the impression that he merely went back to how Virginia Governor’s interpreted their restoration powers that had been followed for generations. If anyone has a link to the Northam order, i and probably others would appreciate it.

    1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
      Dick Hall-Sizemore

      1. I don’t know if there is any other federal law
      that explicitly prohibits states from including specific provisions in their constitutions. However, the Supremacy Clause of the U.S. Constitution makes it clear that federal laws outweigh state constitutions if there is any conflict. “This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in
      pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.”

      2. Northam did not have an executive order
      regarding restoration of rights. McAuliffe had tried that and the Virginia Supreme Court ruled that he could restore rights by executive order; it had to be done one by one. Northam did announce that he was dropping one requirement that McAuliffe had imposed—that the offender no longer be on supervised probation. With this change by Northam, an offender could apply for restoration as soon as he was released
      from prison. Restoration of rights was then pretty much automatic. https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/virginia-politics/virginia-voting-felons-northam/2021/03/16/b171271e-868d-11eb-82bc-e58213caa38e_story.html

      Youngkin indeed seems to have reverted to the practice that was the norm before McDonnell. There are no established, public criteria and
      there is no timeline for making a decision.
      Offenders apply for restoration and decisions are made on a case-by-case basis. It is true that was how it was done for many years, but, when you give people something, in this case, more streamlined, automatic restoration, it is hard to take it back. https://www.wric.com/news/virginia-news/youngkin-changes-virginias-voting-rights-restoration-process/

      1. LesGabriel Avatar
        LesGabriel

        I keep hearing that word “automatic”, not just here but in the Free Lance Star. Whatever Northam did, he DID NOT make restoration automatic. That is what McAuliffe tried to do, but was overturned by the Supreme Court. Gov Youngkin has not taken anything away that anyone is entitled to.

        1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
          Dick Hall-Sizemore

          You are correct in saying that restoration was not “automatic” under Northam. The governor still had to process a legal document restoring a felon’s rights. However, Northam eliminated any criteria for restoration. As soon as a felon’s incarceration was completed, he was eligible to have his rights restored. (Under McAuliffe, a felon had to have finished his probation.) I don’t know the exact procedures such as whether the offender still had to submit an application for restoration or whether he got the signed document as he walked out the prison door. Also, there are felons whose sentences are suspended and therefore do not serve time. They were probably informed by their probation officers that they could apply. In summary, under Northam, it became as automatic as it could. Here is a press release from Northam’s office. https://www.governor.virginia.gov/newsroom/all-releases/2021/march/headline-893864-en.html

          Youngkin may not have taken away something one was entitled to. It all depends on how one defines “entitled”. If a felon had completed his sentence, Northam restored his rights, period. Under Youngkin, restoration is on a case-by-case basis with the result anyone that applies is in limbo for an uncertain period and may be ultimately denied.

          1. VaPragamtist Avatar
            VaPragamtist

            I seem to recall one of the arguments against McAuliffe’s automatic restoration was that it was done so quickly and quietly that even the administration hadn’t considered all of the unintened consequences. Articles came out about Virginia residents in prison for felonies in other states now having the ability to vote, things like that.

            One major oversight was the Virginia Center for Behavioral Rehabilitation, the mental health facility for Virginia’s sexually violent predators. Individuals who commit a sexually violent offense and are found likely to reoffend, so they’re civilly committed for treatment after their release. Nothing in the order spoke to them, meaning they could be included in the blanket restoration (a major voting block for the locality they’re in).

          2. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
            Dick Hall-Sizemore

            The state constitution prohibits the mentally incompetent from voting. By statutory definition, “sexually violent predators” have a “mental abnormality or personality disorder.” I don’t know if that would qualify as “mentally incompetent.” It might.

          3. DJRippert Avatar
            DJRippert

            Too bad the state constitution doesn’t prevent the morally incompetent from holding office.

          4. LesGabriel Avatar
            LesGabriel

            I think this press release was a bit misleading. On Mar 16, 2021, the voting rights of 69,000 felons in Virginia were not restored. Each had to go through the process one by one and have the Governor approve them. I am sure that when Gov Youngkin took office that there were still a number of felons who were still ineligible to vote. In his first 4 months in office he restored rights to almost 900 per month. I do not know what percentage of those eligible that represents. If you Google “Youngkin and felon restoration” you will see dozens of state and national news stories about his decision to ignore Northam’s press release procedures and almost without exception mistakenly said that he was ending the “automatic” restoration of rights, a misconception that many continue even today.

  4. Nancy Naive Avatar
    Nancy Naive

    NOW, as in “frozen in time.”

    It’s times like this that one appreciates (with snickers) the strict textualist….

    1. WayneS Avatar

      As a ‘strict textualist’, I’m ready to accept whatever decision is rendered. I try my best to be consistent and avoid hypocrisy in my beliefs.

    2. WayneS Avatar

      As a ‘strict textualist’, I’m ready to accept whatever decision is rendered. I try my best to be consistent and avoid hypocrisy in my beliefs.

  5. M. Purdy Avatar
    M. Purdy

    This is actually a fascinating legal theory. Hope it works out.

  6. Eric the half a troll Avatar
    Eric the half a troll

    From Dick’s comment below: “Youngkin indeed seems to have reverted to the practice that was the norm before McDonnell. There are no established, public criteria and
    there is no timeline for making a decision.”

    Is there any kind of Youngkin statement on how he is/will be making his decision? Shouldn’t we expect such given the administration’s commitment to transparency? How do we know the decision is not arbitrary or capricious, or worse discriminatory?

    1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
      Dick Hall-Sizemore

      This statement by the Governor’s director of communications is the closest the administration has come to articulating the criteria that is being used: ““Restoration of rights are assessed on an individual basis according to the law and take into consideration the unique elements of each situation, practicing grace for those who need it and ensuring public safety for our community and families.”

      The potential for the decisions being arbitrary or discriminatory is the subject of another lawsuit. Because the state constitution gives the governor complete discretion, I don’t think that suit will go far. https://www.wric.com/news/virginia-news/youngkin-sued-over-changes-to-virginias-voting-rights-restoration-process/

      From a broader perspective, I don’t think Youngkin’s actions are relevant to the lawsuit filed by the ACLU. That suit is aimed at the constitutional provision, which would affect any governor. The plaintiff’s comments on Youngkin were extraneous and unnecessary.

      By the way, if the plaintiffs are successful and the state constitutional provision is struck down, there does not seem to be any prohibition of adopting a statute that says anyone convicted of a felony cannot vote. The Readmission Act deals only with the state constitution.

  7. WayneS Avatar

    It will be interesting to see how this turns out.

    As a strict constructionist it looks to me like the plaintiffs have a good argument.

    I am disappointed that the rights restoration folks don’t seem to be anywhere near as committed to getting these people’s gun rights restored as they are voting rights.

    It’s not covered by this case, obviously, but the permanent loss of one’s 2nd Amendment rights for conviction of a nonviolent felony is not an inconsequential thing.

    1. Nancy Naive Avatar
      Nancy Naive

      Once you restore their voting rights then they can effectively work to restore their gun rights. Or, vice versa, but then that way might be self-defeating.

      Prisoners are taxed. Never understood (aside from the Jim Crow aspect) of taking voting rights in the first place.

      1. WayneS Avatar

        I would like a person convicted of non-violent felonies to have all of his previously forfeited rights restored at the same time – whenever our laws determine that time to be.

  8. James McCarthy Avatar
    James McCarthy

    In 1985 (Hunter v Underwood), SCOTUS found a similar provision in Alabama to be unconstitutional in an 8-0 vote. The case bears remarkable similarities to the one now raised in VA including a statement by Alabama legislators that the disenfranchisement of felons was the purpose of the statute (a la the statement of Carter Glass concerning VA’s 1902 constitutional provision). One of the Alabama plaintiffs was a white man.

    This week, SCOTUS declined to consider a case arising in Mississippi which also bears strikingly similar issues to Hunter and the VA case. Neither originalism nor textualism are barriers to sundering precedent.

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