Descano’s Unconstitutional Actions

Steve Descano. Photo credit: WTOP

by Emilio Jaksetic

Fairfax County Commonwealth Attorney Steve T. Descano has invoked his prosecutorial discretion to issue several “criminal justice reforms.” (Copies are available here.) As part of these reforms, Descano refuses:

(1) to prosecute any person for simple possession of marijuana;

(2) to prosecute any person for felony larceny for any amount less than $1,500 even though the statutory threshold is $1,000;

(3) to pursue any probation violation based on a conviction for possession of marijuana; and

(4) to request cash bail under any circumstance (even if defense counsel requests cash bail).

By implementing the cited policies, Descano has violated the Virginia Constitution. To reach this conclusion, it is necessary to consider: (1) the limits of prosecutorial discretion; (2) specific provisions of the Virginia Constitution that constrain all Virginia officials, including Commonwealth Attorneys; and (3) how Descano’s implementation of certain policies runs afoul of the Virginia Constitution.

Prosecutorial discretion is broad, but it is not absolute, unlimited, or unfettered in nature. Prosecutorial discretion cannot be used in a manner that is unconstitutional, or used in a vindictive manner to punish a person for exercising their legal rights. See, e,g., Barrett v. Commonwealth, 585 S.E.2d 355, 362-363 (Virginia Court of Appeals, August 26, 2003). And, like all other Virginia officials, Descano took an oath of office to support the Virginia Constitution (Virginia Constitution, Article II, Section 7).

The Virginia Constitution requires the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive powers, and no official can exercise the powers constitutionally granted to another branch of government (Virginia Constitution, Article I, Section 5). Furthermore, no Virginia official can suspend the operation of Virginia law without the consent of the General Assembly (Virginia Constitution, Article I, Section 7). As Commonwealth Attorney, Descano is bound by those constitutional limitations, and he cannot invoke prosecutorial discretion to engage in actions that ignore, circumvent, or infringe those constitutional limitations.

The Virginia Supreme Court decision in Howell v. McAuliffe, 788 S.E.2d 706 (July 22, 2016) illustrates how the exercise of broad discretionary executive authority is constrained by the Virginia Constitution. In that case, the Virginia Supreme Court reviewed a challenge to Governor McAuliffe’s exercise of his constitutional clemency authority under Virginia Constitution, Article V, Section 12. At issue was the lawfulness of Governor McAuliffe issuing executive orders granting blanket removal of political disabilities to more than 200,000 convicted felons without an individualized, case-by-case determination for each convicted felon.

The Virginia Supreme Court concluded that Governor McAuliffe’s assertion that he had absolute power to issue his executive orders restoring political rights to convicted felons “runs afoul” of Article I, Section 7 of the Virginia Constitution, which states “That all power of suspending laws, or the execution of laws, by any authority, without consent of the representatives of the people, is injurious to their rights, and ought not to be exercised.” (788 S.E.2d at 720). The Virginia Supreme Court also concluded that the Governor’s constitutional “duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed” (Virginia Constitution, Article V, Section 7) prevents the Governor from setting aside generally applicable laws the Governor disagrees with, including any disagreement the Governor might have with the voter disqualification provision of Virginia Constitution, Article II, Section 1. (788 S.E.2d at 722). Also, the Virginia Supreme Court acknowledged the Governor “can use his clemency powers to mitigate a general rule of law on a case-by case basis,” but concluded that the Governor cannot “effectively rewrite the general rule of law and replace it with a categorical exception.” (788 S.E.2d at 723).

A Commonwealth Attorney cannot invoke prosecutorial discretion to justify actions that have the same unconstitutional defects identified by the Virginia Supreme Court in Howell v. McAuliffe. The four reforms promulgated by Descano cited earlier in this article suffer from the same kinds of constitutional defects — specifically, Descano:

(1) exercised prosecutorial discretion in a manner that has the practical effect of suspending the operation of provisions of Virginia law;

(2) took action that is inconsistent with his “duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed”; and

(3) abused prosecutorial discretion to “effectively rewrite the general rule of law and replace it with a categorical exception” instead of making case-by-case determinations.

Furthermore, in support of the cited “criminal justice reforms,” Descano expresses his disagreement with existing statutes, and sets forth various policy arguments that would be appropriate as recommendations to the General Assembly for revising the Virginia Code. But Descano cannot unilaterally implement policies that violate the constitutional separation of powers by infringing on the constitutional authority of the General Assembly to enact laws.

For all the reasons given above, Descano’s implementation of the cited policies violates the Virginia Constitution.

Emilio Jaksetic, a retired lawyer, is a Republican in Fairfax County.


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Comments

13 responses to “Descano’s Unconstitutional Actions”

  1. Stephen Haner Avatar
    Stephen Haner

    I don’t disagree, but somebody needs to file a mandamus and get that same opinion out of a court with proper jurisdiction….Who is going to push it? Not the public defender or defense bar, surely…

  2. LesGabriel Avatar
    LesGabriel

    Well researched conclusions. The only open question is what we the people can do practically to rein in an out-of-control elected official. There is a provision for the recall of elected officials through a petition to the circuit court.

    1. Stephen Haner Avatar
      Stephen Haner

      Well, if that court first issues a writ of mandamus to order the CA to follow the law, and the CA refuses, that recall petition gets far more likely! The Attorney General could also pursue a mandamus, but again, how likely is that to happen? A republican legislator could file an opinion request with the AG asking if such behavior is lawful….that would be a fun question.

      In my first few weeks at RPV in the summer of 1986, Bill Hurd filed a mandamus against AG Mary Sue Terry over a correctional department issue (contact visits) and darned if the VA Supreme Court didn’t rule against her! Seeing her face in television commercials now brings is all back. 🙂

      1. WayneS Avatar

        “A republican legislator could file an opinion request with the AG asking if such behavior is lawful….that would be a fun question.”

        That would be fun. ESPN could broadcast the mental and linguistic gymnastic routines performed by AG Herring as he tried to say Descano’s actions are unlawful without actually saying Descano’s actions are unlawful.

  3. Scott A. Surovell Avatar
    Scott A. Surovell

    I can appreciate the unhappiness about the politics underlying the outcomes here, but I’m getting tired people turning political arguments into legal arguments. This has been going on for years preceding the election of Descano.

    For example:
    – Misdemeanor adultery prosecutions are unheard of although adultery is clearly ongoing.
    – Prosecutors routinely refuse to prosecute misdemeanor child visitation violations.
    – No one prosecutes speeding within 10 MPH of the speed limit and most department have memos on the books directing officers not to write tickets for speeding 1-9.
    – The Courts routinely drop equipment or license offenses when people show up and have complied with law.
    – Descano’s predecessor rarely prosecuted misdemeanor marijuana possession and authorized the court to place all petit larcenies on a diversion docket where the cases were dismissed after completion of community service although there was no statute authorizing it until 7/1/20.

    For decades, Prosecutors were exercising their discretion in other direction – and continue to do so today – while no one said it was “unconstitutional” or a violation of law:

    – Demanding juries on every DWI (Arlington County)
    – Demanding juries on every felony (Stafford County)
    – Demanding jail time on every petit larceny out of Potomac Mills Mall (Prince William County)
    – Refusing to alter drug quantities in plea agreements (Arlington County).

    Today, a dozen prosecutors in Virginia are simply choosing to exercise their discretion in the direction of mercy as they campaigned on doing in 2019, some disagree with the policy and/or politics and are dressing it up with legal arguments so it doesn’t look political.

    1. Good response, Scott. And the battle is joined….

      We can argue back and forth on the merits of one approach versus the other. We won’t know the practical effect of these policies until we see the results in the form of crime statistics. If serious crimes increase, then I’d say that’s pretty good proof that the Descano approach has unintended consequences. If serious crimes remain stable or decline, then he’s looking pretty good.

      The 2020 Virginia Crime Report should be coming out soon. It will be worth taking a close look.

    2. tmtfairfax Avatar
      tmtfairfax

      I have the most trouble with cash bail. I’ve heard Descano’s arguments against it. He makes a decent case for change. But the GA should make that change in the law.

    3. Nancy Naive Avatar
      Nancy Naive

      “Misdemeanor adultery prosecutions are unheard of although adultery is clearly ongoing.”

      Of course, the law is still on the books until someone appeals a conviction based on Lawrence v. Texas, but the last guy convicted was a lawyer in Luray in the early 2000s.

      Guess he’d rather just pay the $250, and toss a career.

      https://www.glapn.org/sodomylaws/usa/virginia/vanews139.htm

    4. Stephen Haner Avatar
      Stephen Haner

      Still worth a mandamus petition to test all this, Senator. (But no, it’s not treason.) 🙂

  4. tmtfairfax Avatar
    tmtfairfax

    This is not prosecutorial discretion. It’s an overt act to override the General Assembly. Is it treason?

  5. Nancy Naive Avatar
    Nancy Naive

    Well, we could pass every law with a zero tolerance and mandatory minimum sentence clause, but I suspect when you got hit for 10 days for leaving your trash can on the street past 7AM the day after collection…

    OTOH, think how much we could save on paying prosecutors and judges if you just plead guilty to the cop.

  6. Acbar Avatar

    You can lead a horse to water but you can’t make the horse drink it.

    You can indict a man for breaking the law but you can’t prevent a magistrate or a grand jury issue from refusing to issue an indictment;

    Or prevent the State from refusing to prosecute the indictment;

    Or prevent the judge from granting a motion to dismiss;

    Or prevent the jury or judge from acquitting the accuse for failure to prove the crime beyond a reasonable doubt;

    Or prevent the Governor from pardoning the convicted criminal.

    We have a presumption against fines and imprisonment unless all these potential obstacles are overcome; why is this a surprise, given the history of arbitrary, Star Chamber-style abuses of prosecution in England?

    These hurdles are not un-constitutional. To the contrary, these is the essence of our constitutional system of criminal law.

    Whether the Governor can exercise his constitutional power to pardon (1) categorically for an entire class of crimes, or (2) only case by case, is an interesting academic question. I say academic because it is rendered moot by the simple if wasteful administrative process of identifying and issuing pardons in every individual case rather than categorically.

    Likewise, prosecutorial discretion can unquestionably be exercised in any individual case. Moreover, the people chose Descano after he announced his intentions not to prosecute these crimes categorically.

    What is accomplished by condemning a prosecutor’s decision to announce in advance that he won’t prosecute a certain category of crimes, other than unwarranted public uncertainty and the waste of police resources, until the prosecutor’s discretion becomes self-evident?

    This is simply political sour grapes, not about constitutional law.

    1. tmtfairfax Avatar
      tmtfairfax

      Interestingly, the Court of Star Chamber was created to address abuses in the English courts and did so for many year. Later, it became the great abuser of human rights. How about that for remembering my English Constitutional and Legal History from my senior year in college? And I did read Maitland’s lectures from cover to cover.

      I recognize prosecutorial discretion and that it can vary from CA to CA and to some degree from locality to locality. But there reaches a point where X is a crime in some Virginia counties and not others. That to me raises serious constitutional issues. The arbitrary abolition of cash bail across the board in Fairfax County goes too fair as well.

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