by Dick Hall-Sizemore

One of Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s top priorities has been to extricate the Commonwealth from participation in the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI). One of the top priorities of the Democrat-controlled General Assembly has been ensuring that the Commonwealth participates in RGGI.

For those readers unfamiliar with the purposes of RGGI and how it functions, along with the pros and cons of membership, those topics have been covered extensively in this blog. See here, here, and here.  This article will focus on the constitutional struggle between the governor and the legislature.

Brief legislature history

In 2020, the General Assembly authorized the director of the Dept. of Environmental Quality (DEQ) to establish a market-based energy allowances trading program and the Governor to include the Commonwealth in RGGI. The Air Pollution Control Board (“the Board”) and the Governor exercised their authority to act, and Virginia became a RGGI participant on Jan.1, 2021.

When he took office in 2022, among the first executive orders issued by Gov. Younkin was one directing the DEQ director and the Board to begin taking steps to end Virginia’s participation in RGGI. The Board adopted the final repeal of the RGGI regulations in July 2023, to be effective at the end of the year. Environmental groups sued and those suits are still pending in court.

The next stage of this saga came as the new Democratic majority in the 2024 General Assembly adopted language in the budget bill prohibiting the use of state funds to “impede” the state from rejoining the RGGI and directing all relevant agencies to take steps to immediately rejoin the RGGI and continue participation. Although some Democrat legislators and environmentalists believe the language is vulnerable to a gubernatorial veto, court precedents and recent actions would augur a more favorable outlook on their account.

There are two constitutional provisions at issue—the “single object” rule and the governor’s budget item veto power.

The single-object rule

The Virginia Constitution stipulates that “no law shall embrace more than one object, which shall be expressed in its title.” (Article IV, Sec. 12). The foremost authority on the Virginia Constitution, A.E. Dick Howard, explained that historically the purpose of the provision has been to prevent “log-rolling” and to serve notice to legislators, the public, and those who might be affected by the legislation of the subject matter of the bill. (Commentaries on the Constitution of Virginia, p. 534.)

Rather than become immersed in trying to define the extent to which the subjects of a bill have to be related in order to constitute one object or require the legislature to pass “separate acts on a single subject,” Virginia courts have focused on the second phrase of the constitutional provision: “which shall be expressed in its title.”

The leading case on this subject is an 1895 opinion of the Virginia Supreme Court, Commonwealth v. Brown, 91 Va. 762. (Although the current Virginia Constitution became effective July 1, 1971, much of its language, including this provision, was included in previous constitutions of the state.) In Brown, the Court said this provision should be “liberally construed, so as to uphold the law, if practicable…. All that is required … is that the subjects embraced in the statute, but not specified in the title, are congruous, and have natural connection with, or are germane to, the subject expressed in the title.”

The Virginia Supreme Court has consistently adhered to this view of the single-object rule. In Commonwealth v. Dodson, 176 Va. 281 (1940), an opinion that will figure prominently later in this article, the Court cited the following passage from a case in another state in upholding the inclusion of certain items in an appropriation act:

The generality of the title of an act is no objection, provided only that it is sufficient to give notice of the general subject of the proposed legislation and of the interests likely to be affected.

A more recent example is the Court’s opinion in Marshall v Northern Virginia Transportation Authority, 657 S.E. 2d 71 (2008). Despite the bill amending and adding sections in 12 titles of the Code of Virginia and having 23 separate enactment clauses, the Court found that the legislation being challenged did not violate the single-object rule. Citing Brown and Dodson, as well as other opinions it had issued, it found that the diverse topics “are congruous and have a natural connection with the subject of transportation expressed in its title.”

As one analyst summarized the issue, “the Supreme Court of Virginia has been extremely deferential to the General Assembly” on this issue. If a provision of a bill is related, however indirectly, to the language included in the bill’s title, it does not violate the single-object rule.

An appropriation act, by its very nature, is wide-ranging in its scope. The title usually begins with the phrase, “An Act for all appropriations….” That in itself is very broad. However, both the legislature and the governor have, in recent years, stretched the single-object rule beyond recognition. For example, the 2023 Appropriation Act included provisions relating to the home growing of marijuana, regulation of hemp products, regulation of “games of skill,” the definition of lab schools, and exempting a specific private school from certain regulations. HB 29, (the “caboose” budget bill) introduced by the governor in the 2024 session, included provisions creating an authority empowered to issue billions of dollars in bonds. None of these provisions dealt with appropriations and, just from reading the title of the bills, no one would have known these provisions were in them.

In recent years, neither the governor nor the legislature has chosen to challenge provisions such as these in court. It would be interesting, indeed, if the Supreme Court were called upon to rule whether such provisions violated the single-object rule.

Notwithstanding these seeming violations of the single-object rule, the RGGI provision does not fall into that category. The provision is not a standalone enactment clause (“rider”) but is incorporated into the budget language associated with DEQ. The amendment declares:

Notwithstanding any other provision of this act, or any other law, no expenditures from general, special, or other non-general fund sources shall be used to take any action that impedes or otherwise interferes with Virginia’s rejoining of the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative or continued participation therein.

This language is related to the object of the bill, i.e. appropriations, in that it places a condition on how appropriations can be used. The Court has routinely recognized that the legislature can direct how appropriations must be used or not be used. (See Brault v. Holleman, 217 Va. 441 (1976).) The appropriations used to support the Air Pollution Control Board in its work are contained in various sections of the Appropriation Act, from DEQ to the Office of the Attorney General to the Registrar of Regulations. To borrow the phrase used by the Court in its Dodson opinion, the work of the Air Pollution Control Board is “tied up with other budget provisions.” In summary, this provision does not seem to violate the single-object rule.

Item veto

Article V, Section 6(d) of the Virginia Constitution vests in the governor the power to “veto any particular item or item of an appropriation bill….”

Dodson is the leading case dealing with the item veto. The organizational structure of the budget bill and Appropriation Act consists of “items” and “sections.” The Supreme Court in its Dodson opinion made it clear that the term “item” in the constitution does not refer to any organizational construct. (The Court in its opinion many years later in Gilmore v. Landsidle, 252 Va. 383 (1996) made this point explicitly.)

In Dodson, the Court declared, “An item is an appropriation that is an indivisible sum of money dedicated to a stated purpose.” Based on this definition, the RGGI provision is not an “item”; it does not appropriate or designate “an indivisible sum of money.”

The RGGI language is a condition attached to funds contained in the budget. The Court in Dodson said plainly, “We think it is plain that the veto power does not carry with it power to strike out conditions or restrictions.” Later, in Brault, the Court expanded on the Dodson precedent: “Where a condition is attached to an appropriation, the condition must be observed… he [the governor] cannot veto the condition without also disapproving the appropriation.” In the current situation, it would be impossible, from a practical perspective, to veto the appropriation. For example, to veto the amount of the appropriation for the Attorney General’s office that might be used to support the Air Pollution Control Board in any effort to keep the state from joining RGGI, the governor would have to veto the entire appropriation for the office.

Interestingly, the situations involved in the item vetoes overturned in the Dodson case are similar to the current RGGI issue. At the conclusion of the 1940 General Assembly session, Governor Price vetoed seven items in the Appropriation Act. One of those vetoes was of language declaring that no appropriation should be used for the investigation of county government. The Court said, “Plainly this is a condition and not an item. As an item, it can not be vetoed.” Another provision that the governor tried to veto prohibited the Commission on Fisheries from using any of its appropriation to maintain or operate a specific boat it had recently purchased. The Court ruled, “This is not an item…. Here, again, as an “item,” this veto was unauthorized.”

Although they were not litigated, these precedents were used very recently to negate attempts by the governor to veto specific provisions of the Appropriation Act. In 2016 and 2017, the General Assembly included language in the budget bill prohibiting the use of general or non-general funds to expand Medicaid coverage under the federal Affordable Care Act. In 2017, in another section of the budget bill, it included language placing a condition on projects undertaken pursuant to the Public Private Transportation Act. Gov. Terry McAuliffe issued vetoes for these provisions. In response, Paul Nardo, the Clerk of the House of Delegates and Keeper of the Rolls, wrote to the governor that, because those item vetoes were not allowed under the Constitution, he would not publish them. As justification for this decision, Nardo cited the Brault opinion, which said that a governor cannot “veto the condition without also disapproving the appropriation.”

(As the Keeper of the Rolls, the Clerk of the House is responsible for enrolling all legislation, which entails preparing the final official copy of each bill. If the Clerk does not include a notation in the Appropriation Act that the Governor has vetoed a particular section, the veto is not effective. See page 176 of the 2017 Appropriation Act for an example of how an item veto is set out in the Appropriation Act.) See here for Nardo’s 2016 letter and here for is 2017 letter.

The final recent example is directly applicable to the current language on RGGI included by the Democrats in the 2024 budget bill. In 2019, with majorities in both houses, the Republicans included the following language in the budget bill:

Notwithstanding any other provision of the Code of Virginia, no expenditures from the general, special, or other non-general fund sources from any appropriation by the General Assembly shall be used to support membership or participation in the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI) until such time as the General Assembly has approved such membership as evidenced by language authorizing such action in the Appropriation Act….

Although environmentalists urged Gov. Northam to veto the language, he declined to do so after his advisers told him he lacked the authority to do so. Del. Kirk Cox (R-Chesterfield), Speaker of the House, praised the governor’s deference. “I am pleased the Governor is recognizing the constitutional authority of the General Assembly to set conditions and restrictions on appropriations,” he said in a press release.

Now, the tables have turned. Based on existing Virginia Supreme Court precedents, recent actions used by General Assembly Republicans to negate gubernatorial item vetoes, and the confirmation of a Republican House Speaker that the legislature can set conditions and restrictions on the use of appropriations without fear of a gubernatorial veto, it seems that the RGGI provision, using language borrowed from the Republicans and included in the 2024 budget bill passed by the General Assembly, is not an item subject to the governor’s veto. Nevertheless, given his expressed strong opposition to the provision, it would not be surprising if Gov. Youngkin issued a veto against it. The General Assembly has expressed similarly strong support of the provision and, therefore, almost certainly would ask the Virginia Supreme Court to block the veto.

Note on sources:

I am much indebted to this article for shaping my thinking on this issue and pointing me to the relevant Virginia Supreme Court opinions.

For an interesting analysis of the Virginia governor’s general veto power and its use by Gov. George Allen, see here.


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Comments

41 responses to “Can the Governor Veto RGGI?”

  1. vicnicholls Avatar
    vicnicholls

    We need to be removed from a tax, along w/illegals, PPP, etc.

  2. Kathleen Smith Avatar
    Kathleen Smith

    I am keeping this essay for my records. Well done.

    1. Stephen Haner Avatar
      Stephen Haner

      The Regent law review article he linked to, by Bernie McNamee, is very, very useful background. Check that out, too.

      The howling if he vetoes the whole budget would be something, wouldn’t it? Still makes my conservative soul a big queasy.

      1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
        Dick Hall-Sizemore

        Vetoing the whole budget would be unprecedented. He would then need to call a special session for the GA to pass another budget. There would be no guarantee that he would get a budget bill any better than he has now. There is a question of time. The current budget expires on June 30, although we could as the feds do–pass temporary extensions.

        If he is going to veto anything, I think he would be better off vetoing the sales tax extension as a unconstitutional violation of the single-object rule. After doing the research, I don’t think it woud qualify as an item veto. The Court might not go along with it, but at least we would know if the single-object rule imposes any meaningful limits. And the governor would have to eat a little politicial crow since the bill he introduced had tax provisions in it.

        He could deal with the revenue shortfall administratively under the power granted to him in Sec. 4-1.02 of the Appropriation Act.

        I am even happier that I am retired and not working in DPB now.

        1. LarrytheG Avatar
          LarrytheG

          that would be a pretty good “WOW”… for Virginia

  3. f/k/a_tmtfairfax Avatar
    f/k/a_tmtfairfax

    Dick, you outdid yourself. Excellent job of research & analysis.

    Funny how both political parties jump from one side to the other on issues when it suits their immediate needs.

    The problem with the climate change believers is not the need to address greenhouse gas emissions, improve the efficiency and effectiveness of renewable energy sources, have devices become more energy efficient and address infrastructure needs negatively affected by climate change, it’s the financial fleecing of most Americans by government officials in the name of saving the planet.

    Let’s look at the issue of rising ocean levels and private property likely to be flooded if and when such rising water levels arise. Common sense and basic fairness would lead one to grandfather existing ocean front improvements. They can remain in place but not rebuilt. No other buildings should be permitted to be constructed in an area expected to be flooded. Will this happen? Of course not. As Larry has pointed out many times, Congress will not even end taxpayer subsidies of flood insurance. But the question remains, why should people pay more for energy to enable people to own expensive homes and other structures located in areas expected to be flooded?

    Then there are structures built on reclaimed land. While the U.S. is not Holland, we have many coastal developments built on landfill. The areas in Manhattan flooded in Hurrican Sandy were built on landfill. One-third of San Francisco, including almost all of the Financial District, is built on landfill. Should ordinary people pay higher energy prices to protect the owners of these structures?

    And one of my favorites. The higher carbon footprints of illegal immigrants in the United States versus their carbon footprints in their native lands. More money means more carbon. Clearly, the carbon footprint of a family illegally in Chicago or Denver is greater than the carbon emissions from a gas range. But the climate fanatics and their minions in Congress is silent about the former but not about the latter.

    Had these issues been raised in the 1950s or 1960s, we’d read about them in newspapers and magazines or hear about them on radio or TV. But now, media silence.

    1. LarrytheG Avatar
      LarrytheG

      I don’t think individual properties are going to get “saved” by the Federal flood program per se because the Feds are pulling back on it as they should but that insurance does not cover all aspects of storm damage anyhow and the private insurance companies are also pulling back such that only the rich and hard-core dumb will continue to build and/or try to maintain properties that are clearly at greater and greater risk.

      The other problem is public infrastructure, like roads, bridges, tunnels, etc which Hurricane Sandy did tremendous damage to – public infrastructure. Some estimate are 30 billion. Someone will have to pay for that and RGGI IMO is not such an awful thing if it’s a way to do that for Virginia.

      1. f/k/a_tmtfairfax Avatar
        f/k/a_tmtfairfax

        I agree that the government (and taxpayers) have the responsibility to protect needed government facilities. But I’m still waiting for a government announcement that it will not protect private buildings constructed on landfill or that beachfront homes will be grandfathered. Walk your talk.

        Of course, there will be screaming but it’s time for the screaming to begin if elected officials believe what they preach.

        1. LarrytheG Avatar
          LarrytheG

          two different issues TMT. When and if the govt announces programs for public infrastructure, it will be apparent that it’s not for private land.

          Separately from that, there are ongoing changes to the flood insurance program that will put more and more of the burden on the property owner as it should.

          1. f/k/a_tmtfairfax Avatar
            f/k/a_tmtfairfax

            State and local governments are regularly operating programs that bring in sand to elevate beaches and constructing other facilities that protect water-fronting structures.

            And if governments believed that certain structures located on landfill, for example, should not be protected against climate change generated flooding, there would be no reason to fortify public infrastructure serving those private properties.

  4. William O'Keefe Avatar
    William O’Keefe

    There is an abundance of economic analyses that RGGI and its net zero companions is a waste of resources because the cost far exceed the benefits.
    The Governor and Attorney General should be able to come up with a creative way to veto either this provision or the entire budget to force the democrats to go on record that they favor waste.

  5. Teddy007 Avatar

    So is the argument that greenhouse gas concentrations in the environment are not going up; or that the concentrations are going up but will have no impact on the climate;or that the concentrations are going up but the impact will be less than the economics impact of trying to limit the increase; or that concentrations are going up, there were will massive impacts, and that nothing can be done about it but adaption?

  6. Stephen Haner Avatar
    Stephen Haner

    https://budget.lis.virginia.gov/amendment/2024/1/HB29/Introduced/CR/381/1c/

    You have selectively quoted the language, which can be read in full at the link above. In the second part of the language it clearly orders money to be spent. That is an appropriation, a sum sufficient one with no specific numbers, but an appropriation none the less. I think it subject to veto if he strikes out the whole item. Such arguments keep lawyers going….and I ain’t one.

    Does put our fellow W&M grad Paul Nardo in an interesting spot. And I thank you for researching the legal history, which I had hoped to do. But I think the cases help the Governor more than hinder him.

    1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
      Dick Hall-Sizemore

      You may have a point, although the a sum sufficient is not “an indivisible sum of money.”

    2. LarrytheG Avatar
      LarrytheG

      I think you outdid Haner on the deep in the weeds stuff in terms of the mechanics but the issue itself is not.

      Thanks for the analysis and reporting though.

      So, the GOV IS contemplating a veto? And there are not enough votes to override it?

      1. Stephen Haner Avatar
        Stephen Haner

        I think all the R’s voted to remove this paragraph from the budgets when they were on the floor, so they would presumably all vote to sustain a veto. And when the Governor complains about $2.6B in tax increases, he is including the RGGI carbon tax.

      2. Chip Gibson Avatar
        Chip Gibson

        Whew….glad to read your comment. Dick’s splendidly detailed, exacting, monumental article was more than my frail mind could bear. Cannot adequately debate such, so:

        VETO AYE, Honorable Governor of the Great Commonwealth!

  7. Stephen Haner Avatar
    Stephen Haner

    Should the Governor’s advisors agree with Dick, which I doubt, there is of course the option of vetoing the entire budget. I’m personally getting more comfortable with that drastic idea. If he kills the digital sales tax too then the whole document is badly out of balance and needs to be renegotiated. The idea that the Assembly can create an entirely new tax and bury it in the budget to emasculate the governor turns the constitution on his head.

    Preview of a column in drafting…The RGGI compact held an auction last week and the carbon tax reached $16 per ton of CO2, a record. That is 28% higher than last year at this time ($12.50) and 111% higher than the tax imposed in the first auction Virginia joined three years ago ($7.60). It will only keep rising.

    1. Kathleen Smith Avatar
      Kathleen Smith

      What a history lesson. I was thinking of the veto of the entire budget as well. Politically it would make sense. It might be a great strategy over the Dems.

  8. Dick, there’s RGGI and then there’s pure RGGI. In one of your cited sources, JB’s 2018 summary, he says, “The biggest difference between Virginia and other RGGI states is that Virginia’s “consignment” auction revenues will not flow into state coffers. Money will go back to the power companies that paid for them; in turn, regulated utilities will be required to rebate the funds to rate payers. The downside: Virginia loses the ability to fund its own energy-efficiency programs as other states do..”

    Do you know if the terms of Virginia’s rejoining RGGI would remedy this difference from the other RGGI states?

    1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
      Dick Hall-Sizemore

      I’m not that well-versed on RGGI; my focus was the legal and constitutional framework. That being said, it is my impression that JB’s article is a little outdated. I think the money from the auctions goes into a special fund whose main purpose is floor prevention and resilence building. Steve could answer this question better than I can.

    2. Stephen Haner Avatar
      Stephen Haner

      Obsolete, Acbar. In 2018 McAuliffe proposed that the money would return to ratepayers, but that never happened. The 2020 GA legislation made it a pure tax and dedicated the cash to energy conservation projects and flood prevention/mitigation. There is still cash in the account to be spent as a matter of fact. New cash would be spent that way, too.

  9. James Wyatt Whitehead Avatar
    James Wyatt Whitehead

    Fascinating read. Enjoyed this very much Mr. Dick. This could end up on the syllabus at UVA Law School.

    1. Teddy007 Avatar

      A good tell on climate change is whether the person says that they do not believe in climate change as if belief and faith is needed to understand that CO2 levels are going up. After the initial statement, the conservative person usually resorts to hand waving that amounts to nothing more than saying “lets kick the can down the road so that my standard of living will be not affected today.”

      1. LarrytheG Avatar
        LarrytheG

        Seems like some Conservatives say that the Climate issue is a complete hoax, scientists lying about it, etc, and so they dispute doing anything at all in response to it.

        Other conservatives seem to equivocate a little on it so it varies from “maybe real” to “perhaps real” but doing anything about it that costs money or changes to policy and infrastructure is too much and not justified.

        Both kinds comment here.

  10. Stephen Haner Avatar
    Stephen Haner

    Back to Teddy’s question. Climate change is real. It is also constant, a given really, especially over long periods of time. (Ice ages come and go, for example). No question it has natural causes and no question human activity contributes. It is the climate catastrophe narrative that I consider a hoax based on very shaky modeling. The real data does not support the claims of increasing storms, fires, droughts, plagues, inundated cities, all the other nonsense that fills the MSM and click bait web stories. The whole panic is based on a degree or two (C) of temp variations and mere millimeters of steady sea level rise.

    1. Teddy007 Avatar

      Then why is their sunny day flooding in the tidewater area and why is homeowners insurance going up in Florida and California? Remember, Phoenix set heat records in 2023 during the summer.

      Yet, people are still moving to Florida and Arizona while depending on HVAC to life in such places.

      1. Stephen Haner Avatar
        Stephen Haner

        You don’t actually think high tides only started in the past 50 years, do you? Hampton Roads is sinking! The land has been subsiding for eons. You are far too accepting of a MSM narrative that is not just a hoax, but a highly subsidized and coordinated hoax. Hot in Phoenix….what a surprise!

      2. Stephen Haner Avatar
        Stephen Haner

        You don’t actually think high tides only started in the past 50 years, do you? Hampton Roads is sinking! The land has been subsiding for eons. You are far too accepting of a MSM narrative that is not just a hoax, but a highly subsidized and coordinated hoax. Hot in Phoenix….what a surprise!

    2. Teddy007 Avatar

      So I guess one can be placed in the CO2 is going up but it will have no real effects crowd or minimal effects that can be deal with with higher insurance premiums.

    3. James Wyatt Whitehead Avatar
      James Wyatt Whitehead

      Never underestimate the left’s commitment to the absurd. Reagan National Airport’s weather gauge is right next to the runway. Per plan.

    4. Nancy Naive Avatar
      Nancy Naive

      A degree, or two, in SST is a big deal. It’s the sink.

      1. LarrytheG Avatar
        LarrytheG

        changes in the Atlantic ocean currents ought to worry even the skeptics.

        1. Nancy Naive Avatar
          Nancy Naive

          Nah, nothing worries the skeptical.

  11. LarrytheG Avatar
    LarrytheG

    So, if we KNOW there IS going to be damage to public infrastructure as a result of climate change (regardless of what caused it), having a mechanism for building up a fund to pay for upgrading the ones identified for risk and/or repairing it after doesn’t seem to be such a radically bad idea to me.

    There are some existing examples.

    collecting fees for upgrading storm water infrastructure.

    special funds to upgrade water/sewer plants

    collecting fees to dig up and remediate old service
    station fuel tanks.

    collecting tire disposal fees to clean up tire dump sites.

    it’s actually a “conservative” approach to planning!

      1. All those programs already exist.

        Yes. And he stated as much in his comment.

        1. Teddy007 Avatar

          But UST has nothing to do with climate change. UST fall into the areas regulated by CERCLA and RCRA.

  12. VaPragamtist Avatar
    VaPragamtist

    Re: Notwithstanding any other provision of this act, or any other law, no expenditures from general, special, or other non-general fund sources shall be used to take any action that impedes or otherwise interferes with Virginia’s rejoining of the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative or continued participation therein.

    How much, if anything, did Youngkin include in his budget proposal for this? Is any legwork for not rejoining (research, OAG expenses, etc.), something that can be privately funded?

    Probably just reaching here, but if liberally construed the budget language itself seems problematic to me. The pending court cases are actions that could impede or interfere with rejoining; but wouldn’t this language prevent any action (including judicial action–with courts paid from GF–leading to VA not rejoining)?

    Finally, VA is not currently a member of RGGI? If so, then what does maintaining the status quo and doing nothing cost? What funds would be expended?

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