Tag Archives: Rail to Dulles

“Value Capture” as Rail-to-Dulles Financing Tool

Station site plan for Silver Line METRO station on Route 772 in Loudoun County. (Click for larger image.)

The decision of the Loudoun County Board of Supervisors to fund its $270 million share of the Rail-to-Dulles project by taxing landowners around its two METRO stations could create a prototype for financing transportation projects in the future, argues Jay Corbalis, regional coordinator of LOCUS at Smart Growth America.

“The importance of the vote — and particularly the use of a funding concept called value-capture — goes far beyond Northern Virginia, and could have implications for how transit projects nationwide are funded in coming decades,” writes Corbalis in the D.C. Streets Blog. LOCUS is a national network of real estate developers and investors who advocate sustainable, walkable urban development.

Corbalis touts the potential for the Silver Line to re-shape the auto-oriented pattern of development in Loudoun County into mixed-use, walkable transit districts but acknowledges the difficulty in raising money for Phase 2, which is estimated to cost $2.7 billion. He writes:

The cost of Loudoun County’s contribution to the extension… as well as ongoing contributions to the line’s operations of around $17 million a year starting in 2019, made the vote especially contentious to fiscally conservative county officials. Ultimately, what broke the deadlock amongst commissioners, who were evenly split on the decision until the vote, was the structure of the financing the county would use to fund the project. Rather than increase taxes on all county residents and businesses, the county adopted an innovative funding structure that seeks to capture the value created along the rail line.

To achieve this, the Loudoun Board of Supervisors established special tax districts of commercial and undeveloped properties surrounding the future stations. Properties within a half-mile of the stations would pay a tax of 20 cents per $100 of assessed value. Properties further out would pay less. As noted by the Washington Post, most current residential properties would be excluded from the district. Future residential development would be subject to the tax though.

As Corbalis points out, value-capture financing aligns the costs and benefits of transit funding better than general tax funding. Landowners near transit stations enjoy a big spike in valuations of their property, reaping an economic windfall. Why not tap some of that increased value to help cover the capital costs of building the transportation asset? “Politically, value capture impacts fewer people than broad-based taxes like sales and gas taxes, and those who are affected stand to benefit directly from the investment, making it an easier sell.”

That is precisely the case I have been making on Bacon’s Rebellion for years. I just didn’t call it “value capture.” I’ll have to start doing so from now on.

I do have some quibbles with Corbalis’ piece. He neglects to mention that roughly half the cost of building Phase 2 of the Silver Line will be borne by riders on the Dulles Toll Road — many of whom may never use the METRO at all. The funding structure for the project is still inequitable, creating a massive transfer of wealth from middle-class commuters to well-positioned property owners, construction contractors and METRO riders. Also, he doesn’t acknowledge the risk that the hoped-for development may never occur, with the result that the hoped-for property tax revenue may not materialize.

But his larger point is well taken. Virginia should employ “value capture” financing more aggressively as a tool to finance needed transportation projects — not just transit but roads and highways — in the commonwealth.

— JAB

Equal Opportunity Cronyism

From Liz Essley in yesterday’s Washington Examiner:

The day after Mame Reiley resigned for health reasons from the airports authority overseeing the $6 billion Dulles Rail project, the authority quietly created a full-time job for her as a “senior adviser” to authority CEO Jack Potter and agreed to pay her $180,000 a year. …

Reiley, a longtime Democratic activist from Virginia, left the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority on Feb. 15 after serving 10 years as the state’s representative. The next day the authority, which recently drew a rebuke from federal investigators for wasteful spending and questionable contracting practices, hired Reiley to consult with it on issues she helped oversee as a board member, authority officials said.

Reily, who is fighting cancer, had been donating between 75 to 100 hours per month to MWAA. When she she could no longer afford the volunteer time, airport officials suggested that she become a full-time employee. Potter defended the decision, citing her “invaluable” skills, professional contacts and institutional knowledge.

Well, at least you can’t say Virginia isn’t changing with the times. MWAA isn’t an old boy’s club anymore. It’s an old boy’s and girl’s club.

— JAB

Hey, It’s Worth a Look

The good news: The McDonnell administration has discovered $5.4 billion in “surplus” bond proceeds to help pay for Dulles Rail. The bad news: Money dribbles in slowly and it’s all there is to pay for Dulles Toll Road improvements over the next four decades.

Virginia Highway Commissioner Gregory A. Whirley

by James A. Bacon

The General Assembly faces a major policy decision regarding the financing of Dulles Rail — what to do with a projected $5.4 billion in surplus Dulles Toll Road revenues to be collected over nearly four decades to provide security for the project’s bond holders, Virginia Highway Commissioner Gregory A. Whirley told members of the Joint Commission on Transportation Accountability Monday.

To obtain affordable interest rates on the bonds it issues, the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority (MWAA) is required to maintain minimum debt service ratios set by the terms of its bond agreements. Toll revenues must cover two times the debt service for senior (AA-rated) debt, 1.35 times for intermediate debt, 1.2 times for lower-rated debt and 1.0 time for the most subordinated debt. The excess revenues will be set aside in a separate fund.

The state has three broad options on what to do with the money: Use it to pay for improvements to the toll road, one of Northern Virginia’s critical transportation arteries; renegotiate bonds to lessen the burden on toll road users, who could wind up paying as much as $8.75 per trip in 2025 and $18.75 by 2048; or return the money to the state. Initially, the surplus will be small, Whirley explained, but enough money could accumulate within a decade to help out toll road users by renegotiating some of the project’s more expensive debt.

The escalation of Dulles Toll Road tariffs has become a heated issue in Northern Virginia, where tens of thousands of commuters rely upon the limited access highway to get to and from work. Under the final financing agreement, revenues from the toll roads will cover about half the$6 billion cost of building both phases of the heavy rail project.

The state allocated $150 million this year to cover interest payments in the early years of bond payments, making it possible for MWAA to slow the rate of fare increases on the toll road. The surplus funds identified by Whirley would dwarf that sum, although they would have to cover far more years of interest payments. In April, Transportation Secretary Sean Connaughton said that tapping the surplus funds could reduce tolls by $.90 per rider in the early years.

MWAA has issued $1.3 billion in toll-backed bonds so far to finance Phase 1 of the project, which is nearing completion, and anticipates selling approximately $2 billion more over the next five to six years. The bonds will be sold in four tranches, each offering a different level of security for investors and paying a different interest rate. The top-rated, “flagship” bonds will bear low interest rates of 2.5% to 3%. Investors will regard them as having minimal risk because they will be first in line, after operating and maintenance costs, to receive toll road revenues and they will have a 2.0-to-one coverage ratio. Other tranches will stand behind the senior bonds in line and have lower debt-service coverage. A key component of MWAA’s financing strategy is to reduce the risk on the lowest-rated bonds by getting the federal government to back them under the Transportation Infrastructure Finance and Innovation Act (TIFIA).

Andrew Rountree, MWAA chief financial officer.

MWAA’s interest rate projects are conservative, said Andrew Rountree, MWAA’s chief financial officer. Projections assume an average cost of capital of 6.5%, which is considerably higher than interest rates today. MWAA’s AA bond rating for senior debt places it among the top 11% of all airport authorities in the country. MWAA runs Dulles International Airport and Reagan National Airport, and has been entrusted with managing construction of the Dulles Rail project, which will run along MWAA-owned right-of-way.

Under a new transportation bill agreed to by Congress, the federal government will expand its TIFIA loan program substantially, Rountree said. By converting the project’s expensive, subordinated debt to TIFIA-backed debt, MWAA could bring down toll road fares considerably. “We’ll be doing everything we can to access that program.”

Otherwise, Whirley’s idea of tapping the surplus debt-coverage funds offers the only realistic prospect of ameliorating the plight of toll road commuters. Rountree cautioned that it will take years before the funds could be accessed. “The opportunity to tap the surplus won’t come about for quite a while,” he said. A big chunk doesn’t become available until the very last two years. Read more.

Dulles Rail and Disadvantaged Business Enterprises

The face of a disadvantaged business enterprise: Buhpinder Sohi. Sohi studied engineering at Government Engineering College Rewa in India and has been CEO of EPCM, Inc. Consulting Engineers since 1999. (Nothing personal, Mr. Sohi, I picked your name at random from the list of Dulles Transit Partner DBEs.)

by James A. Bacon

The Dulles Rail project plods inexorably forward. The Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority has issued a Request for Qualifications Information (RFQI) to solicit qualifications statements from potential bidders on the 11.5-mile rail line. Companies who submit applications will be narrowed down to a short list of five firms. The contract will be awarded to the team that meets the technical requirements at the lowest price.

While MWAA has abandoned its pro-Project Labor Agreement methodology for selecting bidders, it does set a goal of sub-contracting at least 14% of the total contract value to Disadvantaged Business Enterprises (DBEs). DBEs are defined as firms that are at least 51% owned and controlled by “one or more socially and economically disadvantaged individuals.” (See the DBE goal here.)

Here’s the question of the day: How many of the DBEs who participated in Phase 1 were truly “disadvantaged”? Dulles Transit Partners published a list of its DBE firms here (go to page 8).

While DBE putatively is aimed at socially and economically disadvantaged individuals, it has evolved into a racial/gender spoils system. You will not find any “socially and economically disadvantaged” white people — someone who grew up in an Appalachian trailer park, say — qualifying as a DBE.

To my mind, the only group in a Virginia context that can be reasonably thought of as disadvantaged is African-Americans. Their ancestors were slaves, many of them lived through the Jim Crow era and many today remain disadvantaged by discrimination against their forebears. That’s not the case for all African-Americans living here in Virginia — clearly there is a strong and growing African-American middle and professional class — but enough of them can be considered disadvantaged that I’m willing to go along.

I don’t think of Hispanics as disadvantaged. Poor, perhaps. Disadvantaged, no. Maybe Hispanics were subject to vile laws and discrimination in other states but their arrival in Virginia in meaningful numbers dates back only 20 or 30 years. I’m sorry, but migrating to Virginia as a poor Hispanic person within the past generation does not make you any more disadvantaged than being born as a poor white person. (If you think speaking with a Hispanic accent subjects you to invidious stereotypes, try speaking with an Appalachian twang.)

It is absurd to think of South Asians, Koreans or Chinese as disadvantaged. If anything, these ethnic groups are privileged. Here in Virginia, they tend to be better educated and to enjoy higher incomes than whites.

As for women, we can argue about the corporate glass ceiling all day long. But can anyone seriously make a case that women are disadvantaged as small business persons? In a related question, how many of the “woman owned” enterprises designated as DBEs are owned by husband-wife teams in which the wife owns 51% and the husband owns 49%?

From eyeballing the Dulles Transit Partners list, I would guesstimate that half the DBE enterprises are Hispanic, with a significant number of Asians like Mr. Sohi pictured above. Are we expected to buy into the fiction that Mr. Sohi, who apparently emigrated from India to the U.S. with an engineering degree, qualifies as “disadvantaged”? C’mon. Of the rest of the DBEs on the list, a majority are women. Some of those women may be African-American, but I’d be willing to wager that most are white.

The DBE program is a farce, a racial-gender spoils system that is only marginally effective at creating opportunities for the one group — native-born African-Americans — that has a legitimate claim in Virginia to being socially and economically disadvantaged. But the DBE program is so deeply rooted that no one ever questions it. To do is is to risk being branded a racist or misogynist.

Post script. I’m not ragging on MWAA here. MWAA is following the law. All state and federally funded projects require DBE participation.

No Stopping Rail-to-Dulles Now

Graphic credit: Washington Post. (Click for larger image.)

by James A. Bacon

The final obstacle to construction of Phase 2 of the Rail-to-Dulles project fell yesterday when the Loudoun County Board of Supervisors voted to fund its estimated $270 million share of the project. Now all four funding partners — Loudoun, Fairfax County, the commonwealth of Virginia and the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority (MWAA) — have affirmed their participation in a plan brokered last year to complete the METRO extension.

The last remaining question is how much the project will cost. Will the winning bid exceed the estimated $2.8 billion price tag, in which case overruns will be charged to the tab of Dulles Toll Road users in the form of higher tolls? Or will the low bid fall under the benchmark, thus providing relief for toll road users? An earlier decision by the MWAA board to scrap preferences for union Project Labor Agreements will encourage open-shop companies to submit bids, thus improving the odds of a favorable outcome.

The Rail-to-Dulles project is both a necessity for Northern Virginia and an abomination. On the positive side, the Silver Line will help integrate Tysons Corner and the Dulles Corridor with the region’s urban core. Rail service will trigger re-development of disconnected, low-density human settlement patterns into walkable, mixed use communities around 11 METRO stations. Coupled with services such as ZipCar, Uber and Avego and others yet undreamed of, the Silver Line will liberate thousands of Northern Virginians from their automobile-dependent lifestyles.

However, the political process of allocating costs for constructing the rail line was an orgy of rent-seeking and cost shifting. Like so many other transportation projects, rail and highway alike, there is no pretense that those who use and benefit from the $6 billion Rail-to-Dulles project will pay for it. The financing of Phase 2 is particularly egregious, diverting hundreds of millions of dollars from commuters on the Dulles Toll Road. DTR commuters could well wind up paying more per trip to support the Silver Line than Silver Line passengers will pay in fares.

Meanwhile, land owners fortunate enough (or canny enough) to have property located near METRO stations will make a double killing. First, their land will gain value thanks to proximity to the stations. Second, Fairfax County and Loudoun Counties will reward them with increased density. Fairfax landowners will pay a small share of the $6 billion tab through a special tax district. Remarkably, landowners on top of METRO stations will pay at the same rate as landowners a half mile away, even though they enjoy the lion’s share of the benefit. (Loudoun supervisors are considering a special tax district for Phase 2 but have not approved it.) Thus, the project can be seen as a massive redistribution scheme in which politically connected winners use their clout to extract wealth from the politically powerless.

Meanwhile, it’s not at all clear that the $6 billion investment will do anything to relieve regional congestion. While the rail line will take some commuters off Northern Virginia roads, high tolls could drive other commuters off the Dulles Toll Road onto secondary roads, making driving conditions on them all the more unbearable. Second, Fairfax County has approved so much added density to Tysons Corner — creating far more traffic at full build-out than the METRO can handle — that someone will have to find another $4-5 billion to upgrade road and highway access to the business district.

While individual winners and losers can be clearly identified, the dynamics are so complex that it is impossible to say whether Rail-to-Dulles will be a net gain or loss for Northern Virginia as a whole. Not only is the answer unknowable now, it may well be unknowable 2o years from now. The results will be too diffuse and too complex to disentangle. It would be nice to think that we’ve learned some lessons from the years-long controversy, but I’m not confident that we’ve learned anything at all. People will continue believing whatever the hell they want to believe.

MWAA Gets its $150 Million in Extra State Funds

The Commonwealth Transportation Board approved Wednesday the allocation of $150 million in state funds to the Rail-for-Dulles project in fulfillment of a financing agreement worked out with the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority, Fairfax County and Loudoun County last year. Of that sum, $100 million will come from old balances from Virginia Department of Transportation (VDOT) projects that had never been allocated, and $50 million from the Department of Rail and Public Transit (DRPT).

There are no meaningful obstacles remaining to the transfer of the state funds to MWAA, which is in charge of administering the Rail-to-Dulles project as well as the Dulles Toll Road, which will pay for much of the construction. All that remains is for the McDonnell administration to finish work on a grant contract with MWAA, said Steve Pittard, DRPT’s chief financial officer.

Negotiators will have to write the language for setting up a trust account in which to deposit the $150 million and detail how the funds will be paid out to delay the increase in toll rates. A recent decision to eliminate any preferences for union Project Labor Agreements should eliminate the major political obstacle to the transfer of funds, Pittard said.

In an interview, Transportation Secretary Sean Connaughton added that the ongoing disagreements between the McDonnell administration and MWAA over governance of the authority — MWAA has refused to seat two McDonnell appointees and accept other changes called for by federal law until the interstate compact is amended by both Virginia and Washington, D.C. — are immaterial to the grant.

“The Dulles Rail issues are very different from the MWAA governance issues,” Connaughton said. “This is our project,” he added, meaning that it is the commonwealth of Virginia’s project. The McDonnell administration wants it to succeed.

No one on the CTB objected to the transfer of the $150 million. If the Loudoun County Board of Supervisors approves the project re-financing, Phase 2 of the heavy rail project is a go.

— JAB

A Footnote to MWAA’s PLA Vote

A letter written by three former governors and a U.S. Senator — John W. Warner and Linwood Holton and Democrats Chuck Robb and Gerald L. Baliles — was instrumental in persuading the board of the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority (MWAA) to reverse its policy favoring Project Labor Agreements in Phase 2 of the Rail-to-Dulles project. I published the letter in this post, asking why other former governors and senators hadn’t appended their names to the list of signatories.

Now comes an answer from Acentia CEO and newly appointed MWAA board member Todd Stottlemyer in a note he distributed explaining the importance of the letter. The four signatories, he explains, were among the “founders” of MWAA.

Chuck Robb, a Democrat, was Governor of Virginia when the so-called “Holton Commission” was put in place to study the transfer of Dulles and National Airports out of federal control to a regional authority. Then Governor Robb was a strong proponent of the Holton Commission and putting a regional authority in place to run the airports.

The “Holton Commission,” chaired by former Virginia Governor Linwood Holton, a Republican, recommended that an authority be created. Governor Holton, as you may know, was also the first Chairman of the MWAA board.

Jerry Baliles, a Democrat, was Governor of Virginia when the authority was created. Governor Baliles was a strong proponent for creating the airports authority because he had a big vision that one day Dulles Airport would become a leading international airport. Governor Baliles was probably the first Virginia Governor to aggressively promote international trade and knew that Dulles Airport was critical to making Virginia an international player.

Senator John Warner, a Republican, was the lead sponsor in the U.S. Senate of the legislation that actually created MWAA. He worked tirelessly to pass this legislation. There was, as you may know, substantial opposition to the legislation creating MWAA. Most of it came from Members of Congress who viewed National Airport as their airport and did not want to lose any control over their airport. Additional opposition came from those concerned about the issues associated with the Perimeter Rule. This was particularly true of the Arizona congressional delegation where then Senators Goldwater (R) and DeConcini (D) and then Congressman John McCain voiced strong opposition to the legislation. Eventually the legislation passed the Senate due to Senator Warner’s strong advocacy and leadership and it passed the House as a result of Congressman Frank Wolf’s strong leadership.

The individuals who signed and sent the letter to the MWAA board are the “Founders” of MWAA along with then Secretary of Transportation Liddy Dole and Congressman Frank Wolf. These four “Founders” – two Democrats and two Republicans – spoke very clearly in their letter to the MWAA board. They said essentially four things:

• The entire Washington DC region will benefit from building rail to Dulles.
• We should construct Phase 2 without putting an undue burden on those who use the Dulles Toll Road.
• The PLA preference should be dropped and MWAA should make any PLA requirement for Phase 2 purely voluntary as it was on Phase 1.
• We should come together, work through our differences, and find the place where we can all agree and get full participation from Virginia, Fairfax County, Loudoun County, and the federal government.

This was a significant statement by the “Founders” of MWAA and those who made the airports authority a reality.

In Stottlemyer’s estimation, the letter “did have a real impact on our board, because it was four of the six Founders of MWAA speaking in a bipartisan manner asking the MWAA board to drop the PLA preference. A good outcome.”

— JAB

MWAA Backtracks on PLA, Full Steam Ahead for Dulles Rail

The Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority (MWAA) board of directors voted today to eliminate its preference for Project Labor Agreements in the bidding for Phase 2 of the Rail-to-Dulles project, clearing the way for construction of the project estimated to cost $2.7 billion. Only a negative vote by the Loudoun County Board of Supervisors can sidetrack it now.

“Today’s vote is a major turning point for the Dulles rail project,” said Airports Authority Chairman Michael A. Curto in an official statement.  “This project is vital to the economic growth of this region and the Board is determined to do whatever is necessary to finish the project as quickly and cost effectively as possible”.

“Dropping the PLA preference was what we needed to do to move forward with this project and with our funding partners,” Thomas M. Davis III, MWAA vice chairman and chairman of the Dulles Corridor Committee, also in the prepared statement.  “This has brought us all closer to recognizing that this project is important to the entire region and requires a team effort.”

Other reactions to the 11-to-1 vote:

“This vote was a huge victory not only for the 97.4 percent of Virginia’s construction workforce that chooses not to join a union and for the taxpayers and toll road users who will be financing this important project, but also for Loudoun County and all regional transportation and economic development initiatives,” said Patrick Dean, president of Associated Builders and Contractors, Virginia Chapter, in a prepared statement.

Tweeted Fairfax County Board Chair Sharon Bulova, a Democrat: “Glad to see the MWAA board drop the PLA incentive. I looked forward to the state upholding its commitment just as we have done.”

The Loudoun County Chamber of Commerce tweeted, “We applaud” the decision. Loudoun Rail Now also took to Twitter to stated that it was “pleased” with the outcome.

Please note: The MWAA vote does not in any way discriminate against contractors using a union shop. There is a reasonable chance that Dulles Transit Partners, which constructed Phase 1 under a voluntary project labor agreement, could win the Phase 2 work as well. The board vote simply reversed a previously stated policy that would have given preference to bidders committing to PLAs over contracts using non-union labor.

While there still are concerns about the project — especially projected rates increases on the Dulles Toll Road — the PLA issue was the critical issue blocking the project. The McDonnell administration has no reason now not to contribute the $150 million it promised as part of a funding deal brokered by U.S. Transportation Secretary Ray LaHood. While Loudoun County still must approve its participation, I question that the toll issue is big enough to derail a project that nearly all of the powers-that-be in Northern Virginia want to see built. Personally, I still have major reservations, but I doubt Dulles Rail can be stopped now.

— JAB

Update: This response comes from Stewart Schwartz, executive director of the Coalition for Smarter Growth:  “Now that Governor McDonnell has secured a political victory that removes his stated objection to helping to fund the Dulles Rail project, it’s time for the state to make a fairer contribution.  Otherwise, the Governor is asking northern Virginians to shoulder far too much of the burden.  $150 million is far too small a contribution, leaving Fairfax and Loudoun tax payers and Northern Virginia drivers shouldering 95 percent of the cost.  The state should be contributing at least $500 million to Phase 2.”

More MWAA Hijinks

Sardinia? Seriously, dude, let's party! Dennis Martire image from his Facebook page.

Is this really a guy we want on the board of the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority right now? Dennis L. Martire, a senior executive with the Laborers International Union of North America (LiUNA), has racked up $38,000 in expenses attending five conferences in 2010 and 2011. Writes the Washington Post editorial board:

In May last year, for instance, he took a nine-day trip to attend a 36-hour conference on the Italian island of Sardinia, best known as the Mediterranean haunt of supermodels and Russian billionaires. He brought along a companion, as he did on previous trips to conferences in Prague and Belgium; the authority did not pay the companion’s expenses.

Mr. Martire’s ostensible purpose in Sardinia was to take part in a forum, at a luxurious seaside resort, that was sponsored by the Airports Council International, an industry group. However, the forum’s focus — small regional airports in Europe — was a tangential topic for U.S. airports, to put it mildly. Of the 160 or so delegates who registered for the event, he was almost the only American, according to conference organizers. And no wonder: The forum was irrelevant to U.S. airport executives.

On returning from his Sardinian adventure, Mr. Martire filed an expense claim for $10,586, most of it for a business-class air ticket. … He also wrote a brief trip report, noting that smartphones can be useful tools for airports to communicate with passengers.

In a statement, Mr. Martire defended the trip as “directly relevant to my duties as a Board member” and “fully legitimate and absolutely consistent with [airports authority] policies.” However, he did not explain how it was relevant or answer any of our specific questions — for instance, why he chose to attend a conference in Sardinia when the same sponsor holds almost 20 conferences and seminars in the United States and Canada each year.

Martire, who was appointed by former Gov. Tim Kaine, pushed for a mandatory Project Labor Agreement (PLA) on Phase 2 of the Rail-to-Dulles project that would require the prime contractor to hire through union hiring halls in an arrangement that also would funnel thousands of dollars into various union funds. MWAA determined that his involvement did not represent a conflict of interest.

It’s a positive sign that in response to questions about board travel practices, Chairman Michael Curto announced last week that he has suspended international travel. Curto, it appears, is less tone deaf than his predecessors. Good for him. But the real issue remains ensuring that Phase 2, estimated to cost $2.7 billion, is built for the least amount of money possible. Soliciting bids under the current board policies, which would give a major edge to contractors using PLAs, could limit the number of bids and lead to a low bid potentially costing millions of dollars more.

The revelations of Martire’s expense-account extravagances may have other ramifications. When Virginia and Washington, D.C., amend the interstate compact governing MWAA governance — assuming that D.C. does amend it — Gov. Bob McDonnell and other appointing executives will have the power to replace board members “for cause.” One could argue that pushing pro-union PLAs was a policy matter, not sufficient to justify bumping Martire from the board. But taking junkets to Italy could give McDonnell just the reason he needs to replace Martire with one of his own people.

— JAB

Oh, and one more thing… LiUNA accountants might want to take a close look at expenses that Martire has filed with the laborers’ union. If I were a LiUNA member, I’d like to know what what he’s doing with my union dues.

Dulles Toll Road Transfer to MWAA Perfectly Legal, the Cooch Advises

Ken Cuccinelli: What can he do? The law's the law.

by James A. Bacon

Del. Robert G. Marshall, R-Manassas, probably did not get the answers he hoped for when he asked for an advisory opinion from Attorney General Ken Cuccinelli on matters pertaining to the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority (MWAA). Cuccinelli has gone on record opposing the Rail-to-Dulles project administered by MWAA as a boondoggle. But he did not let that sentiment sway him in his interpretation of the law.

Specifically, Marshall asked whether former Gov. Tim Kaine had acted legally in 2006 when he granted the state’s interest in the Dulles Toll Road to MWAA, in the absence of concurrence by the General Assembly, to provide a funding mechanism for Metrorail extension. Further, Marshall asked if both parties to the interstate compact creating MWAA, Virginia and the District of Columbia, had to amend the compact in order for MWAA to legally take possession of the toll road.

Although the question has not been conclusively resolved, said Cuccinelli in a letter written last week, he believes that the governor was authorized to make the transfer. Stated the AG:

The only court to consider this question concluded that the transfer of the Commonwealth’s interest pursuant to the MOU was permissible. Therefore, although there is no precedent from the Supreme Court of Virginia delineating the precise authority of the Governor in this context, the Governor’s actions were upheld in a court of law.

Furthermore, Cuccinelli said, there was no need to amend the interstate compact. “The approval of MWAA’ s Board would be sufficient to confer upon MW AA the authority and responsibility to operate and maintain the Dulles Toll Road.”

Addressing other questions posed by Marshall, Cuccinelli advised that Virginia would not bear any liability should MWAA default on its bond obligations, and that MWAA, as an interstate compact, was not subject to either the federal nor the state Freedom of Information Act laws. “The MWAA Compact does not specify that one or both of the freedom of information statutes applies to MWAA,” he wrote.

Cuccinelli’s ruling, coming as it does from someone unsympathetic to the Rail-to-Dulles project, should pretty well quell any speculation that Kaine’s 2006 transfer was unlawful. What’s done cannot be undone. There’s no point in beating that horse, which is so dead that it’s been shipped to the glue factory.

However, the lack of an effective FOIA law governing MWAA is clearly a flaw in the authority’s governance structure. The only way to deal with that, however, is to amend the interstate compact. It’s a long and tedious process to get approval from both Virginia and D.C., but that’s the way it goes. The McDonnell administration should initiate that change. It won’t make a difference while McDonnell is in office, but Virginia citizens will appreciate the greater transparency in years to come.

Reston Re-Develops as Metro Construction Progresses

Graphic credit: Washington Post. (Click for more legible image.)

The financing and politics of the Rail-to-Dulles heavy rail project may be a fiasco, but Phase 1 of the construction does seem to be coming in on schedule and on budget, and the imminent roll-out of Silver Line service is prodding hoped-for redevelopment around the Metro stops. The Washington Post provides a broad overview of the activity taking place around the Wiehle Ave. station on the eastern edge of Reston, which is scheduled to open in 2013.

The $750 million Reston Station is under construction by Comstock Partners. The mixed-use project — 500,000 square feet of office space, 100,000 square feet of restaurants and retail, a 200-room hotel and 900 luxury residences — is being developed above and around the Metro station. The facility, being developed in a public-private partnership with Fairfax County, will include a commuter park-and-ride facility, a transit bus depot, 23,00 commuter parking spaces and several hundred additional parking spaces for the retail establishments being constructed above the Metro station.

Meanwhile, the owner of a mini-storage facility is applying for permission to rezone and redevelop his property into more homes and office space.

Having thoroughly botched development around the Vienna and Dunn Loring stations with commuter parking lots when the original Metro system was built, Fairfax County is determined to get the development right this time around.  The Post compares plans for the Wiehle station to the highly successful development in Arlington’s Rosslyn-Ballston corridor, which provides for significant density immediately around the stations and step-down densities to surrounding neighborhoods.

The planning is not yet complete. Writes Frederick Kunkle: “After more than two years of planning, a task force of county staff members, residents and property owners is still working on guidelines that would dictate the redevelopment around the new station, including an urban grid, parks and more residential and commercial development.”

Still, the evolution of thinking in Fairfax County does represent a step forward toward more functional human settlement patterns.

Meanwhile, re-development of the area around Wiehle Station has been slowed by the uncertainty created by Loudoun County’s indecision on whether to proceed with Phase 2 of the Silver Line. If Loudoun opts out and Phase 2 is never built, the Wiehle Ave. station will mark the terminus of the Silver Line, which could make it a magnet for commuters from the outer suburbs and alter how re-development should take place.

The Post article sheds no light, however, on a pressing question: What pace of re-development will market conditions support, especially given all the new office, retail and residential space that Metro will spur in nearby Tysons Corner? With the Obama administration constraining defense spending and Republicans threatening to throttle non-defense spending, growth projections for the Washington area generally and Northern Virginia specifically are far less optimistic than they were when planning for the Silver Line began.

— JAB

MWAA’s Murky Constitutional Status

How many angels can dance on the head of a pin?

by James A. Bacon

Is it possible to create an interstate compact when one of the “states” is the District of Columbia, which, in fact, is not a state? To be more specific, is the agreement between the Commonwealth of Virginia and the District of Columbia that creates the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority a true “interstate” compact, and should it be governed by the same rules as compacts between two actual states?

Dan Scandling, chief of staff for Rep. Frank Wolf, R-10, concedes that the issue is arcane. But the questions have come to the fore in the power struggle over the composition of the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority (MWAA) board of directors.

Last year Congress passed a law, signed by President Obama, that would expand the MWAA board from 13 members to 17, including two appointees from Virginia. The law also required board members whose terms had expired to step down. (Two board members are currently serving even though their appointments have expired, and that number could increase to three by the end of this month.) The law also empowers appointing executives like Governor Bob McDonnell to remove board members with cause. If enacted, the provisions could lead to a major shake-up of the board.

MWAA has argued that it could not comply until both Virginia and D.C. amended their interstate compact. The United States Constitution gives power to Congress to review and approve compacts between two more states, MWAA contends. But the Constitution is silent on Congress’ authority to amend an interstate compact. The issue has never been addressed by a court, so the MWAA board contends, in effect, that it is exempt from the dictates of Congress.

Scandling disagrees. “It is the law. Period.”

When asked to elaborate, he added, “This. Is. The. Law. The authority knows it.”

The District is a federal entity, he continues, so the agreement between Virginia and D.C. is not an “interstate compact.” Dulles airport sits on federal land. The airport was created by the federal government. There are three federal appointees on the MWAA board. Therefore, MWAA is subject to the power of the federal government.

MWAA was opposed to the governance legislation as it worked its way through Congress. And the very same day Obama signed it into law, Scandling says, MWAA hired an outside law firm to advise the board on how it could avoid complying with the bipartisan law. That firm, Jenner & Block, duly obliged.

Furthermore, Scandling pokes a hole in Jenner & Block’s case. In its 24-page memo, the law firm stated:

In the entire history of interstate compacts, we are unaware of a single instance in which Congress purported to amend or rescind a compact that it had approved. Had Congress intended such path-breaking legislation, it likely would have provided some sign in the legislation or its accompanying materials indicating as such. … No such sign is present. Instead, the Legislation consists of a series of small changes in 49106 that were adopted as part of larger appropriations legislation and that contain no explanatory language indicating an intent to change the terms of the Authority substantially.

But the law firm got it wrong, Scandling maintains. A document accompanying the legislation, referred to as a “report,” does, in fact, provide explanatory language that summarizes the major changes of the law.

However, in possible contradiction of Scandling’s position, the report’s language also includes the following: “The conferees expect the jurisdictions to expeditiously implement these modifications.” That wording that could be interpreted as meaning that some other action from the jurisdictions/states was required to implement the law.

So, who’s right? I’m no lawyer. I checked with the state Attorney General’s office. Here is the response I got from the communications office: “We don’t have anything we can share right now, but I will get back to you as soon as we do.”

Murk alert: It gets even more complicated. A friend offers another twist on this issue. Under the U.S. Constitution, Congress exercises exclusive jurisdiction over the District in “all cases whatsoever.” Although it delegated much of its authority in 1973 to elected city officials under home rule, Congress can revoke that authority at any time. Thus, even if the District refuses to amend the interstate compact, Congress can overrule the mayor and city council.

Former Guvs Urge MWAA to Backtrack on PLA Policy

Three former Virginia governors and a former U.S. Senator have urged the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority (MWAA) to “put ideology, partisan politics, pride and parochial interests aside” and reverse its decision to favor Project Labor Agreements (PLA) when evaluating construction bids for Phase 2 of the Rail-to-Dulles project.

“The Project Labor Agreement (PLA), the key point of contention, is a political and philosophical issue upon which reasonable people can disagree. To resolve that issue, we recommend that the MWAA board adopt the same prescription for Phase 2 as it prescribed for Phase 1 and leave it to the selected prime contractor to choose the best method to meet MWAA’s requirements for Phase 2,” stated the letter signed by Republicans John W. Warner and Linwood Holton and Democrats Chuck Robb and Gerald L. Baliles.

Current MWAA board policy is to favor a PLA, but not require one, by giving additional points in the bid evaluation to prime contractors whose proposals include a PLA. Under a PLA, the contractor hires labor through a union shop. The governors are urging the board to revert to the policy that prevailed during Phase 1 construction in which the winning bidder, Dulles Transit Partners, voluntarily signed a PLA but sub-contractors were not required to.

Critics of the MWAA’s pro-PLA policy say that it might discourage open shop contractors from bidding on the estimated $2.7 billion project, thus increasing the likelihood of a higher bid.

The copy of the May 14 letter that was passed along to me was addressed to Todd A. Stottlemyer, a Virginia representative to the MWAA board recently appointed by Governor Bob McDonnell. I do not know if the letter was distributed to other board members.

“As Republicans and Democrats, we come together again to ask that you and your fellow decision makers on Dulles Rail continue to work with [U.S. Transportation] Secretary [Ray] LaHood — and with each other — to resolve your differences and move this vital project smartly forward in a cost effective manner, and without putting an unfair burden upon the Dulles Toll Road users.”

My only question… Why were the signatures of other former governors — Sen. Mark Warner, Tim Kaine, George Allen, Jim Gilmore and Doug Wilder — not affixed to the letter?

— JAB

Will Washington Mayor Gray Side with McDonnell on MWAA?

by James A. Bacon

Overlooked in the contentious debate over Virginia’s representation on the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority board is this salient fact: MWAA won’t seat the two new directors appointed by Governor Bob McDonnell until the District of Columbia joins Virginia in amending the interstate compact creating MWAA. While Virginia passed the necessary legislation, which goes into effect July 1, D.C. has not.

Indeed, there is no assurance that the District will play ball. According to my sources, Mayor Vincent C. Gray’s office agrees with MWAA that no new representatives can be added to the authority’s board until D.C. also amends the compact. And right now, the mayor’s office is reviewing its options. Nothing has been decided. No measures have been introduced to City Council.

Governor Bob McDonnell and the MWAA board have been battling over a number of issues relating to the cost and financing of the Rail-to-Dulles heavy rail project. Last year Congress passed a law, which was signed by President Obama, that would expand the MWAA board from 13 members to 17, adding one representative from Maryland, one from the District and two from Virginia. McDonnell promptly appointed two members but MWAA refused to seat them.

The United States Constitution gives power to Congress to review and approve compacts between two more states, explains Philip Sunderland, MWAA legal counsel. That makes sense, he says, because “you don’t want the states getting together and giving themselves power to perform federal activities.” But the Constitution is silent on Congress’ authority to amend an interstate compact. The issue has never been addressed by a court, so there is a legitimate question.

MWAA hired an outside law firm, Jenner & Block, to dig into the issue. In a 24-page review, the firm concluded that Congress does not have unilateral authority to impose its will on the states.

“We shared that opinion with a lot of people,” says Sunderland, including officials with the U.S. Department of Transportation, the Department of Justice and even the Virginia Attorney General’s office. “We are told that there are no lawyers with DOT or Justice who disagreed with the conclusions. … We never got anything back from Virginia.”

In a letter to the USDOT inspector general, which released a report critical of the MWAA board’s ethics and transparency, Rep. Frank Wolf, R-10,  declared that MWAA had retained the law firm specifically for the purpose of “advising the board on how it could avoid complying with a bipartisan law passed by Congress and signed by President Obama.”

Sunderlin rejects that characterization, insisting that MWAA hired the firm “to get direction on how to comply with the law.”

“We’re out to obey the law, not create the law,” he said. “We were not looking for a preordained conclusion.”

In theory, it would be marginally to D.C.’s advantage to increase the size of the board. By adding one seat to its existing three, it would juice the percentage of representation from 23.1% to 23.5%. However, that incremental gain may be offset by D.C.’s stance on MWAA’s decision to give preferences to Project Labor Agreements in the bidding process for Phase 2 of the Rail-to-Dulles project, or other issues.

I have put in calls to Wolf’s office and the Attorney General’s office and will update this post if they respond. If they do not contest Sunderland’s analysis of the legal issues, I may have to update my characterization of MWAA as a rogue agency. Wrong, perhaps. But not rogue.

IG Report Highlights MWAA Board Conflicts

James A. Bacon

It seems that “partisan Republicans” and “wild-eyed Tea Baggers” aren’t the only people who have problems with the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority (MWAA) board of directors. The inspector general of the U.S. Department of Transportation in the Obama administration expressed concerns in an interim report on its review of the board’s policies regarding travel, ethics, transparency and the awarding of contracts. Some highlights:

MWAA’s policies and practices are generally less rigorous than corresponding State and Federal rules. Notably, MWAA’s government-appointed Board members are not bound to the same State ethics and financial disclosure laws as the elected officials who appointed them.

Our ongoing review has revealed a culture that is largely unaccustomed to external audits and inquiries by the accountability community. While MWAA has freely cooperated in most areas of our review, Board and staff in some areas were reluctant to provide access to key documents and grant us private interviews with Board members. MWAA’s reluctance to provid[e] us full transparency may be attributable to the fact that it has experienced few independent audits since its creation 25 years ago.

On the positive side, the inspectors found that MWAA’s assumptions for Dulles Toll Road revenues appear reasonable. MWAA will rely heavily upon toll road revenues to finance Phase 2 of Rail-to-Dulles construction.

In a letter to Transportation Secretary Ray LaHood, Rep. Frank Wolf, R-10, declared that he was “deeply troubled” by the findings, honing in on MWAA’s contracting practices, conflict-of-interest policies and recusal practices. Wrote Wolf:

Most egregious are the IG’s findings about MWAA’s contracting practices. … Particularly concerning are the number of sole source contracts issued. As you know, MWAA is required by law to fully compete any contract over $200,000, with limited exceptions. Yet the IG’s report states that “[d]uring the period of our review, MWAA awarded five sole source contracts that were over $200,000, but did not fall under any of MWAA’s categorical exemptions. These contract awards, which amount to $6 million, did not have Board approval.” Not only did MWAA abuse the exemptions permitted under federal law, they issued numerous contracts that failed to meet even these basic standards.

The report points out that while MWAA’s Contracting Manual says some exemptions are allowed, but “comprise only a small portion of MWAA’s contracts and their dollar value,” the IG found that the use of exemptions “has amounted to 40 percent of the Authority’s $589 million in contract awards during the period of our review.”

Wolf focused in particular upon the hiring of the Jenner & Block law firm to advise the board on how to avoid seating two new Virginia board members appointed by Governor Bob McDonnell:

The report details how “… one Board member’s recommendation led MWAA to initiate a $100,000 contract with a law firm despite the fact that an immediate family member worked for the firm.” The report goes on to say that “while this family relationship had been previously disclosed, the Board member did not refrain from participating in matters related to the firm when the issue arose (per MWAA policy), and MWAA awarded the contract to the recommended firm. ….

This particular contract was initiated to procure a legal opinion by the law firm Jenner & Block for the express purpose of advising the board on how it could avoid complying with a bipartisan law passed by Congress and signed by President Obama. Amazingly, the report shows that the contract was requested on November 18, 2011, the same day the president signed the bill into law. It also is worth noting that the report reveals that the law firm submitted its “completed legal opinion to MWAA before the noncompetitive contract [was] documented and officially signed.”

Interestingly enough, Chicago-based Jenner & Block, which maintains a Washington, D.C., office, has collected $78,000 in legal fees this year from the Democratic Party-Virginia Senate Caucus, according to the Virginia Public Access Project. Senate Democrats made it a top priority to fight for state funding for the Rail-to-Dulles project and blocked Governor Bob McDonnell’s efforts to seat two newly appointed board members upon the board. The Dems also fought Republican efforts to tie state funding for Rail-to-Dulles to impartiality between union contractors and open shop contracts in the awarding of the Phase 2 contract. So far, MWAA has held fast in its policy to favor union Project Labor Agreements in evaluating bidders for the estimated $2.8 billion contract.

So, Jenner & Block collected more than $100,000 from MWAA plus $78,000 from the Senate Dems. That certainly creates the appearance that MWAA’s board was actively colluding with Democrats in the Senate to thwart the McDonnell administration’s efforts to hold the board accountable. There is no other way to describe MWAA but as a rogue entity.