And This is How They Will Spend the Money

By Dick Hall-Sizemore

Although the General Assembly, as usual, left most of the Governor’s budget bill untouched, it did leave its mark on it. Its top priority clearly was increasing compensation for state employees and teachers. It also toned down some of the Governor’s initiatives.

The revised budget bill for the 2020-2022 biennium reflects an additional $330.6 million in total revenue over the Governor’s introduced bill.  This increase is made up of $187.6 million in additional nongeneral fund (NGF) revenue and an additional $142.9 million for the general fund (GF). The bulk of the additional NGF comes from increases in transportation revenue provided for in the Governor’s omnibus transportation bill and from additional federal Medicaid matching funds.

This report will focus on the changes in GF appropriations agreed on by the legislature. The revision in the revenue projections accounts for most of the additional GF, with the remaining resulting from policy actions enacted by the G.A.

This post will deal with the operating budget only, while a separate post will provide a summary and commentary on capital budget changes. Furthermore, in order to simplify this description, all the dollar amounts shown are for the biennium. Reductions in appropriations are shown in parenthesis.

The G.A. had a lot of available GF revenue. In addition to the $142.9 million from revised projections, the legislature had $200 million in “undesignated contingency appropriation” that the Governor was nice enough to provide legislators to use as they saw fit.  One major policy change, not going along with the proposed reinsurance program, freed up another $146 million. These three sources provided almost a half billion dollars to use for the legislature’s priorities. In addition, there were numerous other items for which the legislature reduced the Governor’s recommendations, thereby freeing up more GF. As with any budget bill, there are a lot of moving parts.

The legislature did decide to use some of the additional GF revenue for one-time expenditures, such as $76 million for capital projects. In addition, it put an additional $182 million into the special reserve fund in the current biennium’s budget. That action decreased the amount of additional GF revenue available to be carried over into the next biennium.

Every change in the budget bill is important to someone. However, this summary will focus on the major changes, with emphasis on those areas that have been most subject to comment in Bacon’s Rebellion.

Employee Compensation–$270.0 million

Whereas the Governor chose not to provide for raises for state employees, the G.A. made this area its top priority, as follows:

  • State employees—one-time bonus of 3% in the first year and 3% salary increase in the second year.
  • State-supported local employees—2% one-time bonus in the first year and 3% salary increase in the second year. (These are employees of constitutional officers, local court services units, local social services departments, etc.)
  • State Police—In addition to the salary actions for all state employees, the budget includes additional funding to address salary compression in the State Police as well to provide a 2% pay raise in the first year. Note: The budget conferees chose to deal with State Police compensation issues in the budget rather than through a dedicated stream of revenue as the Senate preferred. See the discussion of SB 972 on this blog here.)
  • Minimum wage—The additional amount includes $6.0 million to cover the additional costs to be incurred with implementing the increase in the minimum wage for state employees.

Economic Development

The state seems to be reorganizing again its approach to funding economic development. Several years ago, with much fanfare, the G.A. created the Virginia Growth and Opportunity Fund and accompanying governing board (GO Virginia), which was supposed to allow regions to set priorities.

In his budget proposal and accompanying legislation, the Governor proposed the creation of the Virginia Innovation Partnership Authority (VIPA), which is supposed to consolidate innovation and new technological development. (That’s all I know.  Steve Moret may want to comment on these changes in a future post.) The Governor proposed level-funding GO Virginia.

The GA took the following budget actions:

  • VIPA—( $13.6 million). Substantially rewrote the language directing how the VIPA appropriation is to be allocated.
  • GO Virginia—($4.5 million).
  • Virginia Business Ready Site Program—$7.5 million. This program was discussed in Bacon’s Rebellion here.

K-12 Education

As regular readers of this blog know, the state Board of Education (BOE) proposed changes to the Standards of Quality that would have cost more than $1 billion annually to implement. That got everybody excited, assuming that those changes would certainly be embraced by a Democratic governor and Democratic legislature. A detailed description of the proposals is here. A discussion of the proposed changes and their purported underfunding is here.

The Governor did include additional funding in his budget for some of the BOE proposals, but not all of them. However, the legislature not only did not adopt the BOE package, but watered down some of the Governor’s proposals. SB 728, the comprehensive bill incorporating the BOE proposals, was left in the House Appropriations Committee.

The GA chose to increase teachers’ salaries rather than expand the SOQ. To help fund the salary increases, it reduced some of the funding proposed by the Governor for SOQ changes. Here are those actions, as well as some other items of interest:

  • Salary increases, $145.4 million—The Governor included funding for the state share of a 3.0% salary increase for SOQ-funded positions (teachers and support personnel) in the second year. The legislature expanded this action to a 2.0% increase in each year.
  • School counselors, ($53.2 million)—The current SOQ requires a counselor/student ratio ranging from 1/375 in elementary school to 1/300 in high schools. The Governor’s budget proposed funding to lower that ratio to 1/250 systemwide, which was the new ratio proposed by the BOE. The legislature settled on a systemwide ratio of 1/325. That change in the SOQ was set out in HB 1508.
  • English learners, ($6.7 million)—Currently, the SOQ requires school systems to have 17 positions for each 1,000 students identified as having limited English proficiency. The Governor proposed an additional $27.6 million to increase the ratio to 20 teachers per 1,000 students, which was less than proposed by the BOE. The legislature trimmed this increase to 18.5 positions in the first year and 20 positions in the second year. This change in the SOQ was set out in SB 910.
  • At-risk students, $8.7 million—This amount provided by the legislature was on top of the additional $52.6 million the Governor included in his budget.
  • Cost of competing, $19.6 million–The basic aid formula has a component that provides additional funding for localities in Northern Virginia and adjacent localities in recognition of the higher costs in those areas. The legislature increased the weighting factors.

Higher edTuition costs

The increased costs of higher education has been a subject of much debate on this blog, as well as in the General Assembly and in the national political discourse. The House and Senate had different approaches. The House proposed extending the current freeze on tuition through FY2021 and limiting FY2022 tuition increases to two percent.

The Senate, on the other hand, was reluctant to tell individual institutions how to operate. Therefore, it chose to revert to the traditional approach of providing additional funding for basic operations and financial aid and freeing the institutions to set tuition as they saw fit.

According to press reports, it was the impasse on this issue that largely led to the delay on agreement on the budget by the conferees, with the result that the GA had to adjourn on Sunday (a day later than scheduled) and come back on Thursday to formally adopt the budget.

In the end, the House prevailed, although it had to temper its proposal. The final provision calls for an extension of the tuition freeze through FY 2021, with no provision for FY 2022. The appropriation to support institutions that agree to continue the freeze is $79.7 million. The House probably had to give up something to get the Senate to back down. One can only speculate on what that was, but one strong possibility is that a $25 million tunnel was part of the deal. (More on that in the post on capital budget actions.)

Community colleges

The Governor’s major higher ed initiative was $145 million to provide financial assistance to low-and middle-income Virginia students enrolled in a community college program leading to an occupation in a high demand field. Under the program, eligible students would have all their education costs covered and would also be eligible for a “Student Support Incentive Grant” of up to $2,500 per year. (See discussion of this program on this blog here.)

The G.A. reduced the appropriation for this program by over half, slashing it by $76.1 million. However, it kept the basic structure of the program. It did set out a specific list of VCCS programs which would be covered by the program, as opposed to the general term “occupation in a high demand field” used in the introduced bill. It also reduced the student support grant to $2,250 from $2,500.

The conferee amendment sheet does not provide any guidance on the basis for the significant reduction in funding for the program. Perhaps the conferees felt that the Governor’s projection of participation in the program was too optimistic.

Medicaid

The annual “tweaking” of the Medicaid program was extensive. Because I know little about this area, I will just list some of the larger actions and leave the comments to those with more knowledge:

Additions

  • Dental care, $34.0 million—Adds comprehensive dental care for adults, but does not include cosmetic, aesthetic, or orthodontic services.
  • Personal care attendants, $19.2 million—Allows paying personal care attendants time and a half overtime for up to 16 hours overtime per week.
  • Skilled and private duty nursing services, $12.5 million—Increases rates for skilled nursing services by 16.1 percent and 11.6 percent for private duty nursing.
  • Personal, respite, and companion care, $64.5 million—Increases rates for these services by 5 percent in the first year and 2 percent in the second year. This action was driven by the change in the minimum wage.
  • Nursing facilities, $13.8 million—Increases peer group adjustment factors used in nursing facility reimbursements.

Reductions

  • Hospital readmissions, ($11.5 million)—Changes definition of readmission to 30 days. The result will be that readmissions after five days but within 30 days will be paid at 50% of normal rate.
  • Emergency room utilization, ($28.6 million)—Allows the reducing of fees for certain avoidable emergency room admissions.
  • Managed care rates, ($18.1 million)—Captures savings from lower managed care rates adopted by DMAS.
  • Pharmacy benefit managers, ($8.4 million)—Captures savings resulting from legislation prohibiting pharmacy benefit managers from engaging in “spread pricing”.

Public Safety

There was only one major adjustment in the Public Safety area that I want to note. Obviously, the G.A. does not agree with my position that the HB 599 program should be scrapped. While the Governor did choose not to put any more money into the program despite the statutory provision that the appropriation be increased in proportion to the increase in general fund revenue projections, the legislature chose to add $17.2 million to the program.

One last note

Based on concerns about the possible economic of the coronavirus outbreak and any resultant impact on state revenue, Republicans proposed a delay in adoption of the budget. Democrats responded that a delay would create unnecessary uncertainty.

The Governor and the legislature will get one more crack at the budget. He can propose amendments for consideration by the GA at its reconvened session in April. If it has become evident that state revenues may take a hit as a result of the virus, they can deal with it then.

Furthermore, the budget bill itself has some safeguards built in. For example, the employee salary actions are contingent on the projected revenue.


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Comments

31 responses to “And This is How They Will Spend the Money”

  1. LarrytheG Avatar
    LarrytheG

    Very good summary! THANK YOU!

    Any idea why the fuel tax revenues came in so much higher than predicted?

    any idea why the reinsurance idea was kicked?

    finally, on the SOQs and raises for teachers.

    ONLY SOQ teachers get that raise. Any other non-SOQ teachers and staff will not get it unless the local jurisdiction ups it’s contributions.

    Our local BOS refers to this as an “unfunded mandate”! Although, they have no problem increasing raises for county personnel …called “competitive pressures”.

    these blog posts, I’m quite sure take a lot of time and effort and just wanted to say that the time and effort is much appreciated even if some of the comments are perhaps not as much time and effort!

    thanks!

    1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
      Dick Hall-Sizemore

      No, I have not looked at the fuel tax revenue projections. As for the reinsurance program, I think I remember reading a news report quoting Luke Torian, the chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, saying they thought the establishment of the state exchange would accomplish bringing stability to the insurance market.

    2. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
      Dick Hall-Sizemore

      As for the salary increases for non-SOQ teachers, the same situation exists for constitutional officers, particularly sheriffs. The state will provide funding for salary increases for the number of deputies approved by the Compensation Board. If the Board of Supervisors has authorized the sheriff to hire deputies above that number, the board is on the hook for salary increases for those deputies.

  2. Great budget summary, Dick. Best I’ve seen anywhere.

  3. LarrytheG Avatar
    LarrytheG

    re: ” Furthermore, the budget bill itself has some safeguards built in. For example, the employee salary actions are contingent on the projected revenue.”

    is that typical, normal for other spending ? I like it!

    also.. thanks for the objective summary sans the “gawd, they’re taxing us to death” … narratives !!!

    😉

    1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
      Dick Hall-Sizemore

      Only the salary increases are contingent on the revenue coming in as projected. There is a standard provision that, in the event that revenues fall below a certain level, the Governor can take action to reduce appropriations.

    2. Steve Haner Avatar
      Steve Haner

      Right, Larry, the money just falls from the sky. You got the tax increase list the other day, but most of those are indeed not the traditional “general fund.” However their growth tells me that the distinction between general and non-general fund is meaningless now, and to continue it only hides the growth and economic impact of government. It very much was a tax and spend session.

      1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
        Dick Hall-Sizemore

        From a budgeting perspective and for the agencies, there is a fundamental difference between general and non-general fund appropriations. If an agency has a general fund appropriation, it can spend that amount. If it has a non-general fund appropriation, it can only spend that amount if it has the non-general fund cash on hand. If the cash is not there, the agency cannot spend its appropriation. Similarly, if it has non-general fund cash, but no appropriation or an appropriation that is less than the cash, it cannot spend the cash. It can spend only to the extent that it has cash to support the appropriation. However, it can request DPB to administratively increase its non-general fund appropriation to match its cash on hand.

        1. LarrytheG Avatar
          LarrytheG

          re: ” If it has a non-general fund appropriation, it can only spend that amount if it has the non-general fund cash on hand. If the cash is not there, the agency cannot spend its appropriation.

          That DOES sound fundamentally different.

          If State revenues fall short – doesn’t this work a little like a
          safety valve?

          What major categories are non-general?

          probably not Medicaid or transportation… or state police or other state agencies ?

          car taxes? teacher raises?

          1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
            Dick Hall-Sizemore

            Transportation is all NGF. Some other agencies that are all or mostly NGF: ABC, Game and Inland Fisheries, Military Affairs. All federal money is NGF. Higher ed tuition and fees are NGF. Most agencies have some NGF; some are more dependent on it than others.
            One factor that is probably not widely known: the funding for state employee salary increases is all GF. Agencies with NGF-supported employees must fund those salary increases out of their NGF revenue; they can get the additional appropriation if they need it, but their NGF revenues don’t necessarily increase enough to completely cover the salary increase costs.

            NGF cannot really serve as a safety valve in most cases because most NGF revenue is restricted to specified uses, e.g. federal Medicaid match, transportation, federal grants.

  4. Steve Haner Avatar
    Steve Haner

    http://hac.virginia.gov/Committee/files/2020/3-12-20%20Conference/2020%20Conference%20CONSOLIDATED.pdf

    http://sfc.virginia.gov/pdf/committee_meeting_presentations/2020/03122020_Joint%20Conference%20Report%20Briefing.pdf

    For the hard core wonks, here are the money committee staff Powerpoint slide presentations given to legislators yesterday. Lots of deep detail….Since I don’t have any basketball to watch, may actually read them closely….

    As you review them, try to note the new programs which will grow in future years. Providing dental care to adults on Medicaid, for example, clearly provides a health benefit, but once fully established the annual cost will be greater than this initial budget suggests. The next “base budget” will start with a larger amount for that, and several other items on the lists. If you see something in the “second year” only, you can at least double it to estimate the base for Northam’s next and final budget.

  5. djrippert Avatar
    djrippert

    Great post! Seems definitely a tax and spend session as Steve noted. As Virginia climbs from being a mid tier taxation state to becoming a high tier taxation state we’ll see what happens.

  6. Jane Twitmyer Avatar
    Jane Twitmyer

    Good summary … BUT my question remains …

    What the devil is the state doing directing local educational sending? It is one thing to equalize the ability of districts to draw funding from their communities and certainly the state certainly should establish and enforce standards but ….
    it’s not like the legislators have time on their hands to dictate the specifics of local school spending.

    1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
      Dick Hall-Sizemore

      The state constitution requires the state to establish minimum Standards of Quality that all school divisions must meet. The state provides funding for its share of the cost of these minimum standards. As for the 2 percent teachr raises, localities are not bound by that. Local school can choose to provide no raises; in such a case, they would not get the state money. They can choose to provide higher raises, but they would only get enough state money to support two percent. They can hire more teachers than the SOQ calls for (and many do), but they would receive state funding based on the minimum standards.

      1. Jane Twitmyer Avatar
        Jane Twitmyer

        I understand that the state does set standards. I guess I didn’t realize that some of those specifics can be treated as ‘recommended’ only. However, I am talking about the fact that funding from the state is doled out according to standards and other requirements, not just on the local tax base’s ability to fund their schools at a reasonable level.

        And maybe I am questioning the definition of ‘standards’. Meeting educational standards is one thing. Defining educational structure requirements within the school is another.

        1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
          Dick Hall-Sizemore

          The major vehicle for allocating state funding for SOQ is the basic aid formula. That formula uses a “local composite index” that tailors the distribution to a large degree on a locality’s wealth. (This is the LCI that TooManyTaxes on this blog complains about.) Sometime soon, I may take a whack at trying to outline the basic aid formula on this blog.

          I understand your point about standards. The state has chosen the easy way by defining Standards of Quality in terms of inputs (so many teachers per 1,000 students, etc.) rather than in terms of outputs. Of course, the Standards of Learning and the much-maligned SOL tests try to do that and there is a link between the SOL and funding.

          1. Jane Twitmyer Avatar
            Jane Twitmyer

            Would love to see your whack at that crazy formula …
            AND … when I looked at the budget, as someone unfamiliar with the process in VA, I saw a whole pile a things that were linked to how the money was spent specifically. The specifics on teachers, their salaries and their numbers, is one example.

          2. LarrytheG Avatar
            LarrytheG

            I think no matter how the LCI is calculated, the essential design of it is to equitably fund education for K-12 across the state by allocating SOQ funds according to the relative wealth of a given county relative to other counties.

            THe full time of LCI is COMPOSITE INDEX OF LOCAL ABILITY TO PAY.

            We’re NOT taking money away from counties – we’re allocating collected taxes back to the counties such that the less wealthy counties get MORE in SOQ funding than the richer ones.

            The argument about “fairness’ has been going on for a long time and it’s not just about SOQ, it’s also about transportation money. For instance, the rural counties say it’s wrong for them to help pay for METRO in NoVa and places like Hampton are convinced that NoVa receives more transportation money than they do. When VDOT decided to build HOT lanes in NoVa, they had to also toll roads/tunnels in Hampton or face cries of regional discrimination!

            So the basic argument is probably not going to change no matter how the LCI is tweaked. It’s not the algorithm, it’s the basic idea that the rich counties help fund the poor ones, never mind, it’s about education for youngsters. No algorithm will be accepted as “fair”.

            DJ makes a similar argument about roads. He’s convinced that VDOT spends more money on rural roads that they actually receive in transportation taxes from those counties and that the additional money comes out of revenues generated in NoVa.

            The big difference is that there is no such “LCI”-type transparency for transportation money. We know what projects are built where and for how much, but we do not know how much transportation money is generated on a county or jurisdictional basis and we do not know how much of it is kept by VDOT for administration and their responsibilities to maintain Federal and State-designated roads.

            There is a guy who posts here on occasion called “Bosun” who seems to be knowledgeable but beyond his name we do not know his background. I suspect he has views on the road funding aspect.

            by determining the local ability to pay by looking at things like gross income and value of property.

            The actual full name is:

            COMPOSITE INDEX OF LOCAL ABILITY TO PAY

            The Composite Index determines a school division’s ability to pay education costs fundamental to the commonwealth’s Standards of Quality (SOQ). The Composite Index is calculated using three indicators of a locality’s ability-to-pay:

            True value of real property (weighted 50 percent)
            Adjusted gross income (weighted 40 percent)
            Taxable retail sales (weighted 10 percent)

            it’s pretty much mandated by the Virginia Constitution and affirmed by the courts.

            If we can better calibrate the LCI, to assure that no one is paying more than they should, I’m all for it but my suspects are that, that won’t fix the underlying issue.

            Fairfax, by the way, is not at the top of the scale – they’re below about 12 other counties.

            And seems like I heard that Metro got a bunch of money from the GA…

            I have no idea of how much money NoVa “loses” because of the LCI

  7. johnrandolphofroanoke Avatar
    johnrandolphofroanoke

    What if the state treasury coffers do not fill up as anticipated? How large is the rainy day fund? Would the state be willing to run a deficit?

    1. Dick Hall-Sizemore Avatar
      Dick Hall-Sizemore

      The state constitution requires the Governor to execute a balanced budget (that is generally considered to be over the biennium). There are provisions in the budget bill for dealing with a shortfall in revenues. If the shortfall in GF revenues in a fiscal year is one percent or more below the amount projected, the Governor is required to conduct a formal re-estimate of the anticipated revenues in the upcoming year. The Governor is then required to develop and execute a plan for reducing appropriations. This plan must be submitted to the General Assembly for review, but the GA approval is not required. The budget provisions go on to set out certain limitations on any plan withholding appropriations; for example all debt service must be paid. This process would take place in August, after the books on the prior fiscal year had closed. I have had to go through this while I was in DPB and it is not fun.

      By the way, the balance in the rainy day fund is about $2 billion. However, the state cannot pull it all out at one time. There are constitutional limits on how much can be withdrawn. A couple of years ago, the legislature set up another reserve fund in addition to the constitutionally-required Rainy Day fund. The balance in that is several hundred million and there are no limits on withdrawals.

  8. TooManyTaxes Avatar
    TooManyTaxes

    Great job, Dick.

    Once again, a General Assembly sees provides ample evidence as to just how stupid residents of Fairfax County are. The “Cost of competing, $19.6 million–The basic aid formula has a component that provides additional funding for localities in Northern Virginia and adjacent localities in recognition of the higher costs in those areas. The legislature increased the weighting factors.” This is like putting a band aid on a beheading.

    Oh just vote for Democrats and we’ll fix the LCI. This doesn’t fix the LCI. It still ignores differences in cost of operations and living, as well as the huge number of low-income students in Fairfax County schools.

    This proves that having advanced degrees does not make one smarter than the high school graduates in RoVA who eat our lunch paid for by Fairfax County legislators and Fairfax County taxpayers.

  9. TooManyTaxes Avatar
    TooManyTaxes

    Another big problem with the LCI is the use of “ability to pay” versus a requirement to pay that amount in local taxes. Unlike in some other states, there is no requirement for a local school division and its taxing authority to impose local taxes at the ability to pay. Poorer areas should receive more aid form the state. But they should also be required to make a minimum tax effort.

    1. LarrytheG Avatar
      LarrytheG

      @tmt – have you actually read the reports and law:

      ” Pursuant to the requirements of Section 22.1-97, Code a/Virginia, the Virginia Department of Education collected data from school divisions on the actual local funding effort in support of the Standards of Quality for fiscal year 2018, through the 2017-2018 Annual School Report Financial Section (ASRFIN). School divisions were also required to certify that local funds were at the required level in support of the Standards of Quality for fiscal year 2019.

      This report provides the results of calculations made to ensure that each school division has expended sufficient local funds to support its required local effort. The purpose of required local effort is to ensure that each school division has sufficient local operational expenditures to support its local share of the cost of the Standards of Quality. Fiscal year 2018 calculations are based on actual local operational expenditures. All school divisions met required local effort in fiscal year 2018.”

      https://rga.lis.virginia.gov/Published/2019/RD42

  10. LarrytheG Avatar
    LarrytheG

    @tmt – re: “ability to pay”.

    that’s the calculation that they do …. they determine how much a locality should be able to pay and they provide the state part and expect the locality to provide their share.

    here’s a fairly in-depth discussion about the LCI and how “ability to pay” is determined.

    https://www.wm.edu/as/publicpolicy/documents/prs/options.pdf

    1. TooManyTaxes Avatar
      TooManyTaxes

      Larry, do you read what I write? Yes, there is a requirement in the LCI to consider a locality’s ability to raise taxes and fund its local schools. No one objects to that. My problem is that the LCI does not require a minimum local tax effort. So what we often see is many districts cutting local tax spending for its schools after the state increases funding. There should be a requirement for every local government to make a minimum local tax effort that funds their schools as a condition of getting state aid.

      The increased state aid coming from the GA should be contingent on each school system spending a minimum of local real estate tax dollars. An increase in state aid should not result in lower real estate taxes. It doesn’t in many states but does in Virginia.

      1. Jane Twitmyer Avatar
        Jane Twitmyer

        I disagree … The local tax bases are completely different and so the local ability to fund anything is restricted by that tax base. Additional money sent through the school equalized funding formula should be delivered to the school system and the school system should be offering an education that meets standards but you are just adding another complication to the formula.

        Maybe the formula should be changed and possibly simplified, not complicated. AND I continue to advocate for the idea that the local school Boards should be making the decisions on educational policy questions as long as they are meeting state educational standards.

      2. LarrytheG Avatar
        LarrytheG

        TMT – what you’re saying is totally wrong. Localities ARE required to fund their part of the LCI and if they do not, they can lose the LCI funding.

        I’ve provided several references to you that show that localities have to fund their share.

        1. TooManyTaxes Avatar
          TooManyTaxes

          So if I’m wrong, why has Senator Janet Howell explained many times over the years that when the state increases aid for K-12, a number of localities cut their local tax support for their public schools? The formula shows what it can raise through taxes. It doesn’t require that amount to be raised and spent.

          1. LarrytheG Avatar
            LarrytheG

            You’re wrong because of the facts TMT. There is ample data to show that virtually every county in Virginia actually does pay it’s required local share and yes they do – it’s documented exactly what their local share is as well as how much they actually spent – and most all of them spent MORE than required.

            Just because someone else, even an elected official made some spurious claim or lie , does not make it the truth and repeating a lie over and over also does not make it the truth.

            Some of us seem to have decided that it’s okay to misrepresent facts and that we can just make up what we think is the truth and go on from there.

            It’s okay to argue that some aspect of the LCI perhaps needs to be adjusted – perhaps adjusted growth or value of property is not enough or different measures and metrics included.. I don’t know, but I’d certainly be willing to listen to a convincing argument – AND support change if we do see a problem.

            But, PLEASE show those specifics… and don’t just keep spreading this non-fact as truth!

            Look at the following chart on page 5:

            FY 2017 Actual Required Local Effort (RLE) for the Standards of Quality Compared to Actual Local Expenditures for Operations

            https://rga.lis.virginia.gov/Published/2018/RD43/PDF

            have you never seen this or you have but do not believe it or what?

  11. Jane Twitmyer Avatar
    Jane Twitmyer

    Thanks for the info Larry …
    And I still say … Virginia is certainly Big Brother, which complicates evaluations, placing a lot of emphasis on monies….

    “All school divisions reported certified actual local operational expenditures sufficient to meet required local match for the programs in which they elected to participate in fiscal year 2018” such as “Virginia Preschool Initiative; K-3 Primary Class Size Reduction; Compensation Supplement, Math/Reading Instructional Specialist Initiative; and Early Reading Specialist Initiative.”
    …. and in 2019 budget must show … “local match for Incentive and Lottery accounts (i.e., At-Risk, Virginia Preschool Initiative, K-3 Primary Class Size Reduction, Math/Reading Instructional Specialist Initiative, and Early Reading Specialists Initiative).”

    AND I agree that there can be a lot of ‘cost of living’ difference to those school costs in different sections of the state.

  12. LarrytheG Avatar
    LarrytheG

    All states have to assure that all kids in their state receive equitable funding of their k-12 education and the states that relied primarily on the local property tax lost multiple court cases in the SCOTUS and that has resulted in various schemes like Virginia’s LCI which basically has the richer counties help fund the poorer counties.

    New Jersey was one of those states – see the list below:

    https://edeq.stanford.edu/sections/landmark-us-cases-related-equality-opportunity-education

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